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CHOICE NOTES 



FROM 



"NOTES AND QUERIES." 



PRIimiD BT SPOTTISWOODI JJXT) CO. 
irxW-BTKBBT 8QUABB. 



CHOICE NOTES 



FBOH 



ii 



NOTES AND QUERIES." 



HISTORY. 



By thee I might correct, erroneous oft. 
The dock of History— facts and events 
Timing more pmictnal, unrecorded facts 
BeooTering, and mi»-8tated setting right. 

Cowpsb's Yardley Oak» 



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PREFACE. 



On the completion of the First Series of Notes and 
Queries, it was suggested frpm manj quarters, that 
a selection of the more curious articles scattered 
through the twelve volumes would be welcome to a 
numerous bodj of readers. , It was said that such a 
selection, judiciously made, would not only add to a 
class of books of which we have too few in English 
literature, — ^we mean books of the pleasant gossiping 
character of the French Ana for the amusement of 
the general reader, — ^but would serve in some measure 
to supply the place of the entire series to those who 
might not possess it. 

It has been determined to carry out this idea by 
the publication of a few small volumes, each de- 
voted to a particular subject. The first, which is 
here presented to the reading world, is devoted to 
History : and we trust that whether the reader looks 
at the value of the original documents here reprinted, 
or the historical truths here established, he will be 
disposed to address the book in the words of Cowper, 



vi PREFACE, 

SO happily suggested bj Mr. Peter Cunningham as 
the appropriate motto of Notes and Quebies itself, — 

Bj thee I might correct, erroneous offc, 
The clock of History — facts and events 
Timing more punctual, unrecorded facts 
Becoveringy and niis-stated setting right. 

While on the other hand the volume, from its mis- 
cellaneous character, will, we hope, be found an 
acceptable addition to that pleasant class of books 
which Horace Walpole felicitously describes as 
^* lounging books, books which one takes up in the 
gout, low spirits, ennui, or when one is waiting for 
company." 



THE EDITOR. 



CHOICE NOTES 



FROM 

66 



NOTES AND QUEEIES.^' 



HISTORY. 

— • — 

MONMOUTH'S ASH. 

In the first number of Notes and Queries there appeared 
a very interesting paper by Mr. Bruce on Macaulay*s de- 
scription of the capture of the Duke of Monmouth, with a 
query as to the precise locality at which the capture took 
place, which elicited the following reply from the late Earl 
of Shaftesbury : — 

The whole of Woodlands now belongs to me. The 
greater part of it was bought by my late brother soon after 
he came of age. 

I knew nothing of Monmouth Close till the year 1787, 
when I was shooting on Horton Heath; the gamekeeper 
advised me to try for game in the inclosures called Shag's 
Heath, and took me to see Monmouth Close and the fa- 
mous ash tree there. 

I then anxiously inquired of the inhabitants of the neigh- 
bouring houses respecting the traditions concerning Mon- 
mouth Close and the celebrated ash tree, and what I then 
learnt I have printed for the information of any person who 
may yisit that spot. 

B 



MONMOUTH'S ASH. 



What I have since learnt conyinces me that the Duke 
was not going to Christchurch. He was on his way to 
Bournemouth, where he expected to find a yessel. Mon- 
mouth Close is in the direct line from Woodyates to 
Bournemouth. 

About sixty years ago there was hardly a house there. 
It was the leading place of all the smugglers of this neigh- 
bourhood. Shaftesbuby. 

St. Giles's House, Nov. 27, 1849. 

HISTOBT OF MONMOUTH CLOSE. 

The small inclosure which has been known by the name 
of Monmouth Close ever since the capture of the Duke of 
Monmouth there, in July, 1685, is one of a cluster of small 
inclosures, five in number, which stood in the middle of 
Shag's Heath, and were called " The Island." Thpy are in 
the parish of Woodlands. 

The tradition of the neighbourhood is this : viz. That 
after the defeat of the Duke of Monmouth at Sedgemoor, 
near Bridgewater, he rode, accompanied by Lord Grey, to 
Woodyates, where they quitted their horses ; and the Duke 
having changed clothes with a peasant, endeavoured to 
make his way across the country to Christchurch. Being 
closely pursued, he made for the Island, and concealed 
himself in a ditch which was overgrown with fern and un- 
derwood. When his pursuers came up, an old woman gave 
information of his being in the Island, and of her having 
seen him filling his pocket with peas. The Island was im- 
mediately surrounded by soldiers, who passed the night 
there, and threatened to fire the neighbouring cotts. As 
they were going away, one of them espied the skirt of the 
Duke's coat, and seized him. The soldier no sooner knew 
him, than he burst into tears, and reproached himself for 
the unhappy discovery. The Duke when taken was quite 
exhausted with fatigue and hunger, having had no food 
since the battle but the p'eas which he had gathered in the 
field. The ash tree is still standing under which the Duke 



LORD CHATHAM— QUEEN CHARLOTTE. 3 

was apprehended, and id marked with the initials of man/ 
of his friends who afterwards visited the spot. 

The family of the woman who betrayed him were ever 
after holden in the greatest detestation, and are said to have 
fallen into decay, and to have never thriven afterwards. 
The house where she Hved, which overlooked the spot, has 
since fallen down. It was with the greatest difficulty that 
any one could be made to inhabit it. 

The Duke was carried before Anthony Etterick, Esq., 
of Holt, a justice of the peace, who ordered him to London. 

His gold snuff-box was afterwards found in the pea- 
field, full of gold pieces, and brought to Mrs. Uvedaile, of 
Horton. One of the finders had fifteen pounds for half the 
contents or value of it. 

Being asked what he would do if set at liberty, — the 
Duke answered, that if his horse and arms were restored, 
he only desired to ride through the army, and he defied 
them all to take him again. 

LORD CHATHAM — QUEEN CHARLOTTE. 

Origiiud Letter, written on the Resignation of Mr. Pitt, in 
1761 — Public Feeling on the Subject, and Changes at Court 
in consequence — First Impressions of Queen Charlotte. 

The following valuable original letter will be found to 
be of very considerable historical curiosity and interest. 
The resignation of the Great Commoner in 1761, and his 
acceptance at the same time of a pension and a peerage for 
his family, were events which asjtonished his admirers as 
much as any thing else in his wonderful career. Even now, 
after the recent publication of all the letters relating to 
these transactions, it is difficult to put any construction on 
Mr. Pitt's conduct which is consistent with the high-spirited 
independence which one desires to believe to have been a 
leading feature of his character. There may have been 
great subtlety in the way in which he was tempted ; that 
may be admitted by the stoutest defenders of the character 
of George HI. ; but nothing can excuse the eager, rap- 

B 2 



4 LORD CHATHAM— QUEEN CHARLOTTE. 

turous gratitude with which the glittering bait was caught. 
The whole circumstances are related in the Chatham Cor- 
respondence, ii. 146., coupled with Adolphus's Hist of Eng' 
land, 

A kind judgment upon them may be read in Lord Ma- 
hon*8 Hist of England^ iv. 365., and one more severe — 
perhaps, more just — in Lord 'Btou^^xtls Historical Sketches^ 
in the article on Lord Chatham. See also the Pictorial 
History of the Reign of George IIL^ i. 13. After consult- 
ing all these authorities the reader will still find new facts, 
and a vivid picture of the public feeling, in the following 
letter. 

Dear Robinson, — I am much obliged to you for both 
your letters, particularly the last, in which I look upon the 
freedom of your expostulations as the strongest mark of 
your friendship, and allow you to charge me with any thing 
that possibly can be brought against one upon such an 
occasion, except forgetfulness of you. I left town soon 
after receiving your first letter, and was moving about from 
place to place, till the coronation brought me to town 
again, and has fixed me here for the winter ; however I do 
not urge my unsettled situation during the summer as any 
excuse for my silence, but aim to lay it upon downright 
indolence, which I was ashamed of before I received your 
second letter, and have been angry with myself for it since ; 
however, as often as you'll do me the pleasure, and a very 
sincere one it is I assure you, of letting me hear how you 
do, you may depend upon the utmost punctuality for the 
future, and I undertake very seriously to answer every 
letter you shall write me within a fortnight. 

The ensuing winter may possibly produce many things to 
amaze you ; it has opened with, one that I am sure will ; I 
mean Mr. Pitt's resignation, who delivered up the seals to 
the King last Monday. The reason commonly given for 
this extraordinary step is a resolution taken in Council con- 
trary to Mr. Pitt's opinion, concerning our conduct towards 
the Spaniards, who, upon the breaking off of the negotia- 
tions with France and our sending Mr. Bussy away, have, 



LORD CHATHAM— QUEEN CHARLOTTE. 5 

— - - * . 

it IS said, made some declarations to our Court which Mr. 
Pitt was for having the King treat in a very different man- 
ner from that which the rest of the Cabinet advised, and 
they are said to have been all against Mr. Pitt's opinion, 
except Lord Temple, The effect of this resignation you'll 
easily imagine. It has opened all the mouths of all the 
news-presses in England, and, from our boasted unanimity 
and confidence in the Government, we seem to be falling 
apace into division and distrust ; in the meantime Mr. Pitt 
seems to, have entered, on this occasion, upon a new mode of 
resignation, at least for him, for he goes to Court, where he 
is much taken notice of by the King, and treated with great 
respect by every body else, and has said, according to com- 
mon report, that he intends only to tell a plain story, which 
I suppose we are to have in the House of Commons. Peo- 
ple, as you may imagine, are very impatient for his own ac- 
count of a matter about which they know so little at present, 
and which puts public curiosity to the rack. 

Fresh matter for patriots and politicians ! Since writing 
the former part of this letter, I have been at the coffee- 
house, and bring you back verbatim a very curious article 
of the Gazette, " St. James's, Oct. 9. The Right Hon. 
William Pitt having resigned the Seals into the King's 
hands, his Majesty was this day pleased to appoint the Earl 
of Egremont to be one of his principal Secretaries of State, 
and in consideration of the great and important services of 
the said Mr. Pittj his Majesty has been graciously pleased 
to direct that a warrant be prepared for granting to the 
Lady Hester Pitt, his wife, a Barony of Great Britain, by 
the name, style and title of Baroness of Chatham to herself, 
and of Baron of Chatham to her heirs male ; and also to 
confer upon the said William Pitt, Esq. an annuity of 3000/. 
sterling during his own life, that of Lady Hester Pitt, and 
that of their son John Pitt, Esq. ! " 

A report of this matter got about the day before, and 
most unfortunately all the newspapers contradicted it as a 
scandalous report, set on foot with a design to tarnish the 
lustre of a certain great character. This was the style of 

B 3 



6 LORD CHATHAM— QUEEN CHARLOTTE, 

the morning and evening papers of Saturday, and of those 
who converse upon their authority ; so that the coming 
in of the Gazette about ten o'clock at night, it was really 
diverting to see the effect it had upon most people's coun- 
tenances at Dick's Coffee House, where I was; it occa- 
sioned a dead silence, and I think every body went away 
without giving their opinions of the matter, except Dr. Col- 
lier, who has always called Mr. Pitt all the rogues he can 
set his mouth on. It appears at present a most unaccount- 
able proceeding in every part of it, for he seems to have 
forfeited his popularity, on which his consequence depended, 
for a consideration which he might have commanded at any 
time ; and yet he does not make an absolute retreat, for in 
that case one should think he would have taken the peer- 
age himself. 

Lord Temple has resigned the Privy Seal, which is com- 
monly said to be intended for Lord Hardwycke; some 
comfort to him for the loss of his wife, who died a few weeks 
ago. So that we seem to be left in the same hands out of 
which Mr. Pitt gloried in having delivered us ; for, as you 
have probably heard before this time, Mr. Legge was re- 
moved &om his place in the spring, for having refused to 
support any longer our German measures, as has been com- 
monly said and not contradicted that I know of. Every 
body agrees that he was quite tired of his place, as is gene- 
rally said on account of the coolness between him and Mr. 
Pitt, the old quarrel with the Duke of Newcastle, and some 
pique between him and Lord Bute on account of the 
Hampshire election. People were much diverted with the 
answer he is said to have made to the Duke of Newcastle 
when he went to demand the seal of his office. He com- 
pared his retirement to Elysium, and told the Duke he 
thought he might assure their common friends there, that 
they should not be long without the honour of his Grace's 
company ; however, he seems to be out in his guess, for the 
Newcastle junto, strengthened by the Duke of Bedford, 
who has joined them, seems to be in all its glory again. 
This appeared in the Church promotions the other day, for 



LORD CHATHAM^ QUEEN CHARLOTTE. 7 

Dr. Young was translated, the master of Bennet made a 
bishop, and Mr. York dean : however, as you will probably 
be glad of a more particular account of our Church pro- 
motions, I am to tell you that the scene opened soon after 
the King's accession with the promotion of Dr. Squire to 
the Bishoprick of St. David's, upon the death of Ellis. 
Some circumstances of this affair inclined people to think 
that the old ecclesiastical shop was quite shut up ; for the 
Duke of Newcastle expressed great dissatisfaction at 
Squire's promotion, and even desired Bishop Young to tell 
every body that he had no hand in it. Young answered, 
that he need not give himself that trouble, for Dr. Squire 
had told every body so already, which is generally said to 
be very true : for he did not content himself with saying 
how much he was obliged to Lord Bute, but seemed to be 
afraid lest it should be thought he was obliged to any body 
else. What an excellent courtier I The next vacancy was 
made by Hoadly, upon which Thomas was translated from 
Salisbury to Winchester, Drummond from St. Asaph to 
Salisbury, Newcome from Llandafi* to St. Asaph, and that 
exemplary divine Dr. Ewer made Bishop of Llandaff. 
These were hardly settled when Sherlock and Gilbert dropt 
almost together. Drummond has left Salisbury for York, 
Thomas is translated from Lincoln to Salbbury, Green 
made Bishop of Lincoln, and succeeded in his deanery by 
Mr. York : Hayter is translated from Norwich to Lon- 
don, Young from Bristol to Norwich, and Newton is 
made Bishop of Bristol ; and I must not forget to tell 
you, that, among several new chaplains, Beadon is one. 
This leads me naturally to Lord Bute, who, though the 
professed favourite of the King, has hitherto escaped the 
popular clamour pretty well ; the immense fortune that is 
come into his family by the death of old Wortley Montague 
has added much to his consequence, and made him be looked 
upon as more of an Englishman : at least they can no longer 
call him a poor Scot. 

His wife was created a peeress of Great Britain at the 
same time that Mr. Spencer, Mr. Doddington, Sir Richard 

B 4 



8 LORD CHATHAM— QUEEN CHARLOTTE, 

Grosvenor, Sir Nat. Curzen, Sir Thomas Robinson, and Sir 
William Irby were created peers. He has married his 
eldest daughter to Sir James Lowther, and is himself, from 
being Groom of the Stole, become Secretary of State — 
Lord Holdemess being removed with very little ceremony 
indeed, but with a pension, to make room for him. He and 
Mr. Pitt together have made good courtiers of the Tories ; 
Lords Oxford, Litchfield, and Bruce, being supernumerary 
lords, and Korbonne Berkeley, Northey, and I think George 
Pitt, supernumerary Grooms of the Bedchamber. Sir 
Francis Dashwood is Treasurer of the Chamber, in the 
room of Charles Townshend, who was made Secretary at 
War upon Lord Barrington^s succeeding Mr. Legge as 
Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord Talbot, who is in high 
favour, is Steward of the Household, and with his usual 
spirit has executed a scheme of economy, which, though 
much laughed at at first, is now much commended. They 
made room for him upon Lord Bute's being made Secretary, 
at which time Lord Huntingdon was made Groom of the 
Stole, and succeeded as Master of the Horse by the Duke of 
Rutland, who was before Steward of the Household. Thus 
have I concluded this series of removals, which was first be- 
goiiy after the old King's death, by Lord Bute's being Groom 
of the Stole in the room of Lord Rochford, who has a pen- 
sion, and Lord Huntingdon's being made Master of the Horse 
instead of Lord Gower, who was made Master of the Ward- 
robe in the room of Sir Thomas Robinson, who has his 
peerage for a recompense ; and written you a long letter, 
which may perhaps be no better for you upon the whole 
than an old newspaper. However, I was determined your 
curiosity should be no sufferer by my long silence if I could 
help it. 

I must not conclude without saying something of our new 
Queen. She seems to me to behave with equal propriety 
and civility, though the common people are quite exaspe- 
rated at her not being handsome, and the people at Court 
laugh at her courtesies. All our friends are well, and have 
had nothing happen to them that I know of which requires 



WIFE OF ROBERT DE BRUCE. 



particular mention. Gisborne either has or will write to 
you very soon. Convince me, dear Bobinson, by writing 
soon that you forgive my long silence, and believe me to be, 
with the sincerest regard for you and yours, your most 
affectionate friend, G. Cbuch.* 

Mrs. Wilson's, Lancaster Coart, 
Oct'. 12*. 

(Addressed) 
To 

The Ho« Mr. Will" Robinson 

Recomende a Mestieun Tiemey 8^ Merry f 

a Naples. 
(Memorandum indorsed) 

RingjuBt recf^ that of 22'' SepL 

16* Orf'. 1761. 



"WIPE OF BOBEBT DB BRUCE. 

The Rev. Lambert Larking writes, — In the Surrenden 
Collection is an interesting roll, entitled " Liberatio facta 
Ingelardo de Warlee Custodi Garderobe, 7 E. 2." It is, as 
its title imports, the release to the keeper of the wardrobe, 
for one year's accounts, a°. 7 E. 2. 

I shall probably be able to send you therefrom a few 
" notes" illustrative of the history of that time. 

As a commencement, I think that the subjoined ''note" 
will interest your historical readers. 

It appears that the unfortunate wife of Robert Bruce was 
then consigned to the care of the Abbess of Barking, with 
an allowance of 20«. per week for the same. She was, I be- 
lieve, the daughter of Henry de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, and 
died in 1328. In the above roll there is the following 
entry : — 

* The name is not easy to be made out ; but, as far as it is deter- 
minable by comparison of hand -writing, it is ** Cruch." The letter 
passed through the post-office. 

t The part printed in italia was added by some other person than 
the writer of the letter. 



10 WIFE OF ROBERT DE BRUCE. 

**€* Ubeimti Anne de Veer Abbatiase de Berkjng, per manns do- 
mini Roberti de VVakfeld derid, saper expensis domine Elizabetfae 
nxoris Boberd de Bnu, percipientis per ebdomadnm zxs et ibidem 
perfaendinjuitis." 

" O liberati Johanni de Stystede yaUetto Abbatiase de Berkjngg, 
per manoB propriaa» super expensis Domine de Bros in Abbathia de 
Berkjng perhendinantis.** 

It does not appear, in the above roll, how long the hap- 
less queen remained in the abbej. 

This conununication led to the following from Mr. W. B. 
Rye: — 

CAPTIYITT OF THE QUEEN OF BRUCE IN ENGLAND. 

I perceive, in one of the recent interesting communica- 
tions made to the "Notes and Queries,** bj the Rev. 
Lambert B. Larking, that he has given, from a wardrobe 
roll in the Surrenden collection, a couple of extracts, which 
show that Bruce*s Queen was in 1314 in the custody of the 
Abbess of Barking. To that gentleman our thanks are due 
for the selection of documents which had escaped the care- 
ful researches of Lysons, and which at once throw light on 
the personal history of a royal captive, and illustrate the 
annals of a venerable Abbey. I am glad to be able to 
answer the concluding query as to the exact date when the 
unfortunate lady, (Bruce's second wife,) left that Abbey, 
and to furnish a few additional particulars relative to her 
eight years' imprisonment in England. History relates, 
that in less than three months after the crown had been 
placed upon the head of Bruce by the heroic Countess of 
Buchan, sister of the Earl of Fife (29th March, 1306), he 
was attacked and defeated at Methven, near Perth, by the 
English, under Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke. 
After this signal discomfiture, the king fled into the nvoun- 
tains, accompanied by a few faithful followers : his Queen, 
daughter, and several other ladies, for awhile shared his 
misfortunes and dangers ; but they at length took refuge at 
the Castle of Kildrunmiie, from whence they retreated, in 
the hope of greater security, to the sanctuary of St. Duthac, 
at Tain, in Ross-shke. The Earl of Ross, it is said, violated 



WIFE OF ROBERT DE BRUCE. 11 

the sanctuary, and delivered the party up to the English, 
who (as sings Chaucer*8 contemporary, Barbour, in his not 
very barbarous Scottish dialect) straightway proceeded to 

** pat the ladyis in presoane, 

Sum in till castell, sum in dongeouo.'' 

Among the captives were three ecclesiastics, who had 
taken a prominent part at the king's coronation — the 
Bishops of Glasgow and St. Andrews, and the Abbot of 
Scone, arrayed in most uncanonical costume.* Peter 
Langtoft pathetically bewails their misfortune : — 

<* The Bisshop of Saynt Andrew, and the Abbot of Scone, 
The Bisshop of Glascow, thise were taken sone : 
Fettred on hackneis, to Inlond ere thei sent, 
On sere stedis it seis, to prison mad present." 

- An instrument in Norman French, pi*inted in Kymer*s 
great collection (Fcsdera^ vol. i. part ii. p. 994, new ed.), 
directs the manner in which the prisoners were to be 
treated. As this document is curious, I will give that por- 
tion which refers particularly to Bruce's wife, the ** Countess 
of Carrick:" — 

** A. D. 1306. (34 Edw. 1.) Fait a remembrer, qi, quant la Femme 
le Conte de Carrik sera venue au Roi, ele soit envee a Brusteunk [on 
Humber], & qe ele eit tieu mesnee, & sa sustenance ordenee en la 
manere desouz escrite : cest asavoir. 

** Qe ele eit deux f emmes du pays ovesqe li ; cest asaver, une da- 
moisele & une femme por sa chambre, qi soient bien d*age & nyent 
gayes, & qui eles soient de bon 8c meur port ; les queles soient enten- 
dantz, a li por If servir : 

** £t deux vadletz, qi soient ausint bien d*age, & avisez, de queux 
I'un soit un des vadletz le Conte de Ulvestier [the Earl of Ulster, her 
father], cest asaver Johan de Benteley, on autre qil mettra en liende 
li, & Tautre acnn du pays, qi soit por trencher devant li : 

M Et ausant eit ele un garzon a pee, por demorer en sa chambre, 
tiel qi soit sobre, & ne mie riotous, por son lit faire, & por autres 
choses qe covendront por sa chambre : 

** Et, estre ce, ordenez est qeele eit un Yadlet de mestier, que soit 
de bon port, & avisez, por port ses deifs, por panetrie, & botellerie, & 
nn ca : 

• Loricati (in their coats of mail).— ilfattA€» of Wesimnster, 



12 WIFE OF ROBERT DE BRUCE, 

** £t ele deit ausiat arer trois leveriers, por aver son dednyt en la 
garrene illaeques, & en lea pares, quant ele voudra : 

** Et qe ele eit de la veneison, & da peisson es pescheries, selenc ce 
qe mester li sera : 

** £t qe ele gisse en la plus bele maison da manoir a sa volante : 
Et, qe ele Toit gayer es pares, r'aillois entor le manoir, a sa vo- 
lante." 

These orders are apparently not more severe than was 
necessary for the safe custody of the Queen ; and, consider- 
ing the date of their issue, they seem to be lenient, consi- 
derate, and indulgent. Not so, however, with the unfortu- 
nate Countess of Buchan, who was condemned to be encaged 
in a turret of Berwick Castle (" en une kage de fort latiz, 
de fuist & barrez, & bien efforcez de ferrement ;*' t. e. of 
strong lattice- work of wood, barred, and well strengthened 
with iron*), where she remained immured seven years. 
Bruce's daughter, Marjory, and his sister Mary, were like- 
wise to be encaged, the former in the Tower of London, 
the latter in Roxburghe Castle. The young Earl of Mar, 
" L'enfant qi est heir de Mar," Bruce's nephew, was to be 
sent to Bristol Castle, to be carefully guarded, "qil ne 
puisse eschaper en nule manere," but not to he fettered — 
"^mais q'il soit hors de fers, tant come il est de si tendre 
ager 

In 1308 (1 Edw. 2.), the Bailiff of Brustwick is com- 
manded to deliver up his prisoner, to be removed else- 
where, but to what place it does not appear. A writ of the 
6th Feb. 1312, directs her to be conveyed to Windsor Cas- 
tle, " cum familia sua.** In October of the same year, she 
was removed to " Shaston " (Shaftesbury), and subse- 
quently to the Abbey of Barking, where she remained till 
March, 1314, when she was sent to Rochester Castle, as 
appears by the following writ (Rymer, vol. ii. part i. 
p. 244.):— 

^ (7 Edw. 2.) De ducendo Elizabetham uxorem RcherH de Brut 

usqite ad Castrtan Roffense, 

''Mandatam estYicecomitibus London' quod Elizabetham, Uxorem 
* See the order at length in Rymer, ut aup. 



WIFE OF ROBERT DE BRUCE, 13 

Boberti de Bras, quas cum Abbattiss^ de Berkyngg' stetit per aliquot 
tempusy de mandato Regis, ab e&dem Abbatissa sine dilatione reel- 
piant, earn nsqne Roff * duel sub salv& custodia faciant, Henrico de 
Cobeham, Constabolario Castri Regis ibidem per Indenturam, ind^ 
faciendam inter ipsos, liberandam ; et hoc nollatenus omittant. 

** Teste Rege, apud Westm. xii. die Martii, 

** Per ipsum Regem. 

'* £t mandatum est pnefats AbbatisssB,quod prsafatam Elizabetham, 
qnam nuper, de mandato Regis, admisit in domo sa& de Berkjng* 
qnonsque Rex aliud inde ordintLsset, moraturam, sine dilatione deli- 
beret praefatis Yicecomitibus, ducendam prout els per Regem plenios 
est injunctnm, et hoc nollatenus omittat. 

** Teste Rege ut supra, 

** Per ipsum Regem. 

** Et mandatum est dicto Henrico, Constabulario Castri Regis prsa- 
dicti, quod ipsam Elizabetham de prsedictis Yicecomitibus, per In- 
denturam hujusmodi, recipiat, et ei cameram, infra dictum Castrum 
competentem pro moril sui assignari : 

** Et viginti solidos, de exitibus BallivaB suie, ei per singulas septi- 
manas, quamdiu ibidem moram fecerlt, pro expensis suis, liberari 
faciat : 

** Eamque, infra Castrum prsedictum, et infra Prioratnm Sancti 
Andres ibidem, opportunis temporibus spatiari sub salv^ custodid. 
(ita quod securus sit de corpore suo), permittat : 

" Et Rex ei de praedictis viginti solidis, praefatss Elizabethas singulis 
septimanis liberandis, debitam allocationem, in compoto suo ad Scac- 
carium Regis, fieri faciet. 

•* Teste ut supra, 

** Per ipsum Regem.'' 

But the day of deliverance was close at hand : the battle 
of Bannockbum, so fatal to the English, was fought on the 
24th June ; and on the 2nd of October the Constable of 
Kochester Castle is commanded to conduct the wife, sister, 
and daughter of Robert Bruce to Carlisle {usque Karliolum), 
where an exchange of prisoners was made. Old Hector 
Boece, who, if Erasmus can be trusted, " knew not to lie," 
informs us, that " King Robertis wife, quhilk was hald in 
viii. yeris afore in Ingland, wes interchangeit with ane duk 
of Ingland"* [Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford]. 

* Bellenden's translation. 



14 BATTLE OF KERBE8TER. 

And the aforesaid Barbour celebrates their restoration in 
the following lines : — 

*< Qahill at the last they tretyt sua. 
That he * till Inglond hame suld ga, 
For owtyn paying of ransoune, fre ; 
And that for him suld changyt be 
Byschap Robert f that blynd was mad ; 
And the Queyne, that thai takyn had 
In presoune, as before said I ; 
And hyr douchtre dame Marjory. 
The Erie was changyt for thir thre." 

A COTEMPORAKT ACCOUNT OF THE "BATTLE OF 
KEBBESTER," IN BOSS, 27tH APBIL, 1650. 

Lieut. Greneral Lesly having appointed a rendevouz of 
his forces at Brechin, 25 Aprile, did make all possible baste 
against the enemie, marching 30 miles everie day, and to 
put a stop to the enemies* advance, he sent Lieut. Col. 
Strachan before him to command the troopes that were 
lying about Rosse and Innernesse. 

Upon Saterday, the 27 Aprile, y* enemie was quartered 
at Strathekell in Rosse ; L. Colonell Strachan with his owne 
troope, Colonell Montgomery, Colonell Ker*s, L. Colonell 
Hackett^s, and the Irishe troopes were quartered about 
Kincardine ; the number y** wer present being onlie 
about 230 : the officers being conveined, and having con- 
sidered the grate scarsity of provisions for horsse, and y** 
it was very probable, y" enemies* strength being in foote, 
they would take the hills upon the advance of more of our 
horsses, they concludit to fight y** wicked crewe with the 
force they had. Bot the Lord*s day approaching, and the 
enemie being 10 miles distant, they doubted whither to 
marche towardes them presentlie, or to delay untill Mon- 
day, and so declyne y® hazard of ingageing upone y* Lord's 
day; bot this doubt was soune removed, for notice was 

* The Earl of Hereford. 

t Wisheart, Bishpp of Gloucester, before alluded to. 



BATTLE OF KERBE8TEIL 15 



presentlie brought, that the enemy was marched from 
Strathekel to Corbisdale, sex miles nearer unto them, 
wheripone they furth with drew upe in 3 pairties — the 1, 
consisting of neire a 100 horsse, to be led one by L. Co- 
lonell Straquhan ; y*^ 2, somme more than 80, to be led one 
by L. Colonell Hackett ; and y® 3, about 40, to be led one 
by Captaine Hutchesone ; and 36 musquetaires of Lawer s 
regiment (which wer occasionally upon the place), to be 
led one by Quarter Master Shaw : after prayers said by 
the minister, they marched, about 3 o' clock in the after 
noone, towards the enemy, quho were drawin upe in a 
plaine, neire a hill of scrogie woode, to which upon the 
advance of our horsse they quicklie retired. Yet L. Co- 
lonell Strachan pursued them into the woode, and at y* 
first charge made them all to rune ; the Lord did stricke 
such a terror into their hartes, as ther most resolute Com- 
manders had not y'' courage to lifte a hand to defend them- 
selves ; and our forces without opposition did executione one 
them for 5 or 6 myles, even untill sunne sett. 

Ther wer killed 10 of their best Conmianders, most of 
their officers takin, and 386 comon souldiers. The number 
of the quhole (as y® prisoners did informe) was not above 
1200, of all wich ther did not escape one 200, bot wer 
ather takin prisoners, killed, or drawned in a river y** was 
neir y® place ; ye cheiffe standard called y® kinges, and four 
others, were takin ; y* Traitor James Orhame escapit, bot 
was afterwards takin by the Laird of Assin^s people. His 
horse was takin ; his coate with y* starre, and sword belt, 
wer found on the field. L. Col. Strachan received a shotte 
upon his belley, but lighting upon the double of his belte 
and bufie coate, did not peirce. 

One of our troopei*s haisting too forwardly after a boate, 
wich carried 2 or 3 of the enemie over the river, was 
drowned, and 2 were woundit, and this was all y" losse 
Straquhan and his fellowes had. 

It is to be remembered y** Cap. Will. Rosse and Cap. 
Johne Rosse came upe to the executione with 80 fellowes 
chosen out of y® country forces, and did good service. 



16 



BATTLE OF KERBESTER, 



A LisU of those who were kUled at xf Battle ofKerbeeter in Roese, 

27 Aprile, 1650. 

Laird of Fovrie Ogilvy. 

Laird o/Pitfodenst younger , Standard Bearer, 

Jo. DougloMie, youngest sonne to WUL Earl of Morton, 

Major Lyle, 

Major Byger, 

CapUan Stirling, 

Captane PowdL 

A Liste of the Officers tcJdn, 



Yicount Frendraught. 

G. Major Urrie. 

CoL Graje. 

L. Col. Stewart 

Major Stockes. 

Gap. Mortimer. 

Routte Master Yellemneson. 

Peter Squer, Cap. of Dragoons. 

Cap. Warden. 

Cap. Anthenlecke. 

Cap. Spotswoode. 

Cap. Charteris. 

Cap. Lawsone. 

Lentt. Carstaires. 

Lent. Vertrun. 

L. Androw Glen. 

L. Rob. Tenche. 

Emestus Bnchan. 

The above quaint but graphic account of one of the bat- 
tles of the olden times — the "last fight," too, of the cele- 
brated and gallant Marquess of Montrose — is a literal 
copy of a MS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh (W. 
7. 6.), supposed to have belonged to Sir James Balfour of 
Denmill, Lord Lyon King-at-Arms, temp. Charles L and 
Charles II. It is evidently a cotemporary account. 

The scene of the battle is very correctly described. The 
spot is situated in the parish of Kincardine, Boss-shire, 
N.B. The plain is bounded on one side by a river of con- 
siderable width and depth, the Oikel (hence " Strathekell," 
or Strath Oikel), and on the other by a range of low hills, 
still covered with a "scrogie woode." Skulls, pieces of 



Laurence Van Lutenberge. 

L. Da Dramond. 

L. WilL Rosse. 

L. Jo. Drumond. 

L. Ja. Din. 

L. Alex. Stewart. 

Comett Ralph Martie. 

Cor. Hen. Erlachie. 

Cor. Daniel] Bennichie. 

Ens. Rob. Grahame. 

Ens. Adrian Rigwerthe. 

Ens. Hans Boaze. 

2 Quartermasters, 6 Serjeants, 15 
Corporalls, 2 Trumpetters, S 
Drummers, 886 Souldiers, and 
2 Ministers, Mr. Kiddie, Mr. 
Meldrum. 



CHARLES L TO CHIEF JUSTICE HEATH. 17 

broken armour, and weapons of war, have occasionally 
been dug up in the field of battle }; but no tradition appears 
to linger about the spot among the surrounding peasantry, 
which is rather strange. 

It is easy to see, from the above account of this battle, 
that it was written by an enemy of Montrose, and adherent 
of the covenanting party ; but still the facts are probably 
correct. 

Mr. Napier, in his Life and Times of Montrose, p. 469. 
edit. 1840, as well as in his Montrose and the Covenanters, 
vol. ii. p. 530. edit. 1838, has given a vivid description of 
the battle of Corbisdale, which substantially agrees with 
the above account. 



LETTEB FBOM CHABLES I. TO CHIEF JUSTICE 

HEATH. 

* 

The following extract from the papers of Sir Robert 
Heath, the last Chief Justice of England during the reign 
of Charles L, which refers to the circuits of the judges in 
that reign, was communicated by Mr. Evelyn P. Shirley : 

" Charlbs £. 

** Trusty and welbeloved, wee greet you well. Out of our desire 
that justice should be duely administred in all the parts of this o' 
kingdome to all o' loving subjects, according to our knowne lawes, 
and according to the auncient coarse w«^ hath been held for our 
judges to ryde their circuits twice iu the yeare, wee gaue speciall di- 
rections that you should hold yo' summer assizes in the seuerall 
counties to w«^ you are assigned, and wee were then hopefull that the 
distracdOns of the tymes wquld not haue been any impediment unto 
you to performe that service. 

** But seeing wee are now informed that this cannot be done in 
many and in most places of this realme without much inconuenience 
to yo'selves uid those who should attend you, or haue busines before 
you, wee are well pleased to referre it wholly to yo' good discrecOns 
to forbeare those places whither yo'selnes conceaue you may not goe 
with conuenient safety, and our subjects who shall want the benefitt 
of yo' labors must excuse both us and you, and expect and pray for 

c 



18 GREAT FIRE OF LONDON, 

better tymes. Given under o^ signet at o' O at Oxford, the fourth 
day of July in the nineteenth yeare of O' raigne. [1643.] 

« To our trusty and welbelored S^ Robert Heath, KS Cheife Justice 
of our Bench, and Justice of Assize for o' Counties of Berks, Oxoti., 
Gloucester, Monmouth, Hereford, Wygom, Salop, and Stafford.** 



GREAT FIRE OF LOKDOK. 

Our popular histories of England, generally, contun very 
indefinite statements respecting the extent of destruction 
wrought upon the city of London by the Great Fire. The 
following is copied from a volume of tracts, printed 1679 to 
1681; chiefly "Narratives" of judicial and other proceed- 
ings relating to the (so called) " Popish Plots" in the reign 
of Charles 11., and purports to be "extracted from the 
Certificates of the Surveyors soon after appointed to survey 
the Ruins." 

** That the fire that began in London upon the second of Septem- 
ber, 1666, at one Mr. Farryner's house, a baker in Padding Lane, 
between the hours of one and two in the morning, and continued 
burning until the sixth of that month, did overrun the space of three 
hundred and seventy-three acres within the walls of the city of Lon- 
don, and sixty-three acres three roods without the walls. Tbere re- 
mained seventy-five acres three roods standing within the walls 
unbumt. Eighty-nine parish churches, besides chappels burnt. 
Eleven parishes within the walls standing. Houses burnt, Thirteen 
thousand two hundred. 



<< Jonas Moore, 
*^ RAifB Gatbix, 



[ Surveyors." 



PERKIN WARBECK. 



In the Minutes of Evidence taken by the Select Com- 
mittee on the British Museum, in May, 1836, p. S08., men- 
tion is made of " a paper giving an account of the landing 
of- Perkin Warbeck, signed by Sir Henry Wentworth, and 
dated 16th [I7th] Sept. 1497," as of historical value. This 
"paper'* was at that time in the possession of the late 
Mr. Upcott ; and when I drew up for the Society of Anti- 
quaries the article on " Perkin Warbeck's History," printed 



PERKIN WARBECK. 19 

in the Arch<Bologia, vol. xxvii. pp. 153—210., I had no op- 
portunity of seeing it, and therefore merely made a brief 
reference to it in a foot-note. The document subsequently 
passed, together with a large and valuable portion of 
Upcott's collection, into the hands of M. Donnadieu, and at 
the recent sale of that gentleman's collection of autographs 
was purchased for the British Museum. It is a letter from 
Sir Harry Wentworth of Nettlested, co. Suffolk (ancestor 
of the Barons Wentworth), addressed to Sir William Cal- 
verley, of Calverley in Yorkshire, from whood descended 
the extinct baronets of that name. The letter is not of 
great historical importance, yet, as furnishing some notices 
of the measures taken by the king, on learning that Perkin 
had landed in Cornwall, on the 7th of September (only ten 
days previous), it will not be read without interest. The 
letter is written on a strip of paper measuring eleven inches 
by four inches, and is signed only by Sir Harry Wentworth. 

*< Right wourshipfulle oosin, I recommend me vnto yoa. And. 
where* it fortuned me in my retoume home from Westchestre, to 
meit my lord Darby, my lord Strange, and other at Whalley abbey, 
by whome I had the sight of snche lettrea as were directed vnto 
theme frome the kinges grace ; apperceyuing by the same that Perkin 
Warbeke is londid in the west parties, in Ck>mevelle, wherfore I woUe 
pray yoa, and allso in the kinges name aduertise yon, to be in are- 
dynes t in your owin persone, with suche company as you make, to 
seme his highnes, vpon an our^ wamyng, when his grace shalle calle 
vpone yon. For the which I doabte not but his highnes shalle geve 
yoa thankes accordinge. As our lord knoith, who preserue you ! 
Wretin in the kinges castelle of Knaresburght, the xvij dey of Sep- 

tembre. 

your [frend] and cosyne, syr 

Harry Wentworth. 
Addressed 

To his wourshipfulle cosin syr William 
Caluerley, knight, in haste.'* 

The Lord Strange mentioned in the above letter was the 
third son of the Earl of Derby, and died at Derby House, 
London, on the 5 th Dec. 1497, less than three months after 
the letter was written. F. Maddbic. 

• * Whereas. f readiness. X hour's. 

C2 



20 CONFESSOR TO THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD, 



CONFESSOR TO THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD. 

D*lflraeli, in his Commentaries on Life and Reign of 
Charles /., describing the difficulties which Elizabeth and 
James had to contend with in relation to their Catholic 
subjects, says : 

*< So obscare, so caatious, and so nndetermined were the first steps to 
withdraw from the ancient Papistical customs, that Elizabeth would 
not forgive a bishop for marrying ; and auricular confession, however 
condemned as a point of Popery, was still adhered to by many. 
Bishop Andrews would loiter in the aisles of St Paul's to afford his 
spiritual comfort to the unburtheners of their conscience." 

And he then adds this note : 

**■ This last remains of Popery may still be traced among us ; fon 
since the days of our Eighth Henry, the place of confessor to the 
royal household has never been abolished." 

The office is connected with the Chapel Royal, St. James's, 
and is. at present held by Dr. Charles Wesley, who is also 
sub-dean. The appointment is by the Dean of the Chapel 
Royal, the Bishop of London. The confessor (sometimes 
called chaplain) officiates at the early morning prayers, so 
punctually attended by the late Duke of Wellington. Cham- 
berlayne, in the Magnm Britannue Notitia, p. 97., edit. 1755, 
has the following notice of the Chapel Royal : ^' For the ec- 
clesiastical government of the King's court, there is first a 
dean of the Chapel Royal, who is usually some grave, learned 
prelate, chosen by the King, and who, as dean, acknow- 
ledgeth no superior but the King ; for as the King's palace 
is exempt from all inferior temporal jurisdiction, so is his 
chapel from all spiritual. It is called CapeUa Dominica, the 
domain chapel ; is not within the jurisdiction or diocese of 
any bishop ; but, as a regal peculiar, exempt and reserved 
to the visitation and immediate government of the King, 
who is supreme ordinary, as it were, over all England. By 
the dean are chosen all other officers of the chapel, namely, 
a sub-dean, or pracentor capelke, thirty-two genUemen of 
the chapel, whereof twelve are priests, and one of them is 
confessor to the King's .household, whose office is to read 



AUTOGRAPH OF EDWARD OF LANCASTER, 21 

prayers every morning to the family, to visit the sick, to 
examine and prepare communicants, to inform such as 
desire advice in any case of conscience or point of religion,** 

&C. 

AUTOGBAPH OP EDWARD OP LANCASTEB, SON OP 

HENRY VI. 

In the Museum of Antiquities at Rouen is preserved an 
original document, thus designated; *^ Lettre d'Edouard, 
Prince de Galles (1471).** It is kept under a glass case, 
and shown as an '^undoubted autograph of the Black 
Prince.'* It is as follows : 

^ Chers et bons amis, nous avons entendu, que ung nostre 
homme lige subject, natif de nostre pays de Galles, est 
occupe et detenu es prisons de la ville de Diepe, pour la 
mort d*un homme d'icelle ville, dont pour le diet cas autres 
ont este executez. Et pour ce que nostre diet subjeet . 
estoit clerc, a este et est encores en suspens, parce qu*il a 
este requis par les officiers de nostre tres cher et fume cousin 
Tarchevesque de Rouen, afin qu*il leur fut rendu, ainsi que 
de droict; pourquoy nous vous prions, que iceliii^. nostre 
homme et subject vous veuillez bailler et^delivrer aux gens 
et officiers de mon diet cousin, sans en ce faire difficuM.^ 
Et nous vous en saurons un tres grant gre, et nous ferez 
ung essingulier plaisir. Car monseigneur le roy de France 
nous a autorisez faire grace en semblable cas que celuf de 
mon diet suoject, duquel desirous fort la delivrance.^' I^cript 
k Bouen, le onziesme jour de Janvier. , . 

(Signed) Eduarp! 
(Countersigned) Martin.** ' 

The error of assigning this ^gnature to Edward the 
Black Prince is sufficiently obvious, anU somewhat sur- 
prising, since we here have an undoubted, and,* we believe, 
unique autograph of Edward of Lancaster, Prince of Wales, 
only son of Henry VI. by Margaret of Anjou. He was 
bom at Westminster, October 13th, 1453, and was there- 
fore, in January, 1471 (no doubt the true date of the docu- 

c 3 



22 THE SISTER OF GEORGE UL 

ment), in the eighteenth year of his age. He had sought 
refuge from the Yorkists, in France, with his mother, ever 
since the year 1462, and in the preceding July or August, 
1470, had been affianced to Anne Neville, the youngest 
daughter of the Earl of Warwick. At the period when this 
letter was written at Bouen, Margaret of Anjou was medi- 
tating the descent into England which proved so fatal to 
herself and son, whose life was taken away with such bar- 
barity on the field at Tewksbury, in the month of May 
following. The letter is addressed, apparently, to the 
magistrates of Rouen or Dieppe, to request the liberation 
of a native of Wales (imprisoned for the crime of having 
sl^n a man), and his delivery to the officers of the Ai-ch- 
bishop of Rouen, on the plea of his being a clerk. The 
prince adds, that he was authorised by the King of France 
(Louis XI.) to grant grace in similar cases. As the sig- 
nature of this unfortunate prince is at present quite un- 
known in the series of English royal autographs, it would 
be very desirable that an accurate fac-simile should be made 
of it by some competent artist ; and perhaps the art of 
photography might in this instance be most advantageously 
and successfully used to obtain a perfect copy of the entire 
document. F. Madden. 



THE SISTER OF GEORGE UL 

The following interesting cutting is from The Times of 
January 27, 1852 : 

'* The Sister of George TIL —The official journal of Copenhagen of 
the 17th instant gives an interesting document, hitherto unpublished, 
the original of which is in the secret archives of the State of Copen- 
hagen. It is the letter which Queen Caroline Matilda, wife of Chris- 
tian VII., King of Denmark, wrote during her exile, and on the day 
of her death, to her brother, George III. of England. The letter is as 
follows : 

** * Sire, — ^In the solemn hour of death I address myself to you, my 
royal brother, in order to manifest to you my feelings of gratitude 
for the kindness you have shown me during my life, and particularly 
during my long misfortunes. I die willingly, for there is nothing to 



BIRTHPLACE OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE, 28 

bind me to this world — neither my youth (she was then in her 
twenty-third year) nor the enjo3nnent8 which might sooner or later 
be my portion. Besides, can life have any charms for a woman who 
is removed from all those whom she loves and cherishes — her hus- 
band, her children, her brothers and sisters? I, who am a queen, 
and the issue of a royal race, I have led the most wretched life, and 
I furnish to the world a fresh example that a crown and a sceptre 
cannot protect those who wear them from the greatest misfortunes. I 
declare that I am innocent, and this declaration I write with a trem- 
bling hand, bathed with the cold sweat of death. I am innocent. 
The God whom I invoke, who created me, and who will soon judge 
me, is a witness of my innocence. I humbly implore Him that He 
will, after my death, convince the world that I have never merited 
any of the terrible accusations by which my cowardly enemies have 
sought to blacken my character, tarnish my reputation, and trample 
under foot my royal dignity. Sire, believe your dying sister, a queen, 
and, what is still more, a Christian, who with fear and horror would 
turn her eyea towards the next world if her last confession were a 
falsehood. Be assured I die with pleasure, for the wretched regard 
death as a blessing. But what is more painful to me even than the 
agonies of death, is that none of the persons whom I love are near my 
death-bed to give me a last adieu, to console me by a look of compassiocf 
and to close my eyes. Nevertheless, I am not alone. God, the only 
witness of my innocence, sees me at this moment, when, lying on my 
solitary couch, I am a prey to the most excruciating agonies. My 
guardian angel watches over me : he will soon conduct me where I 
may in quiet pray for my well-beloved, and even for my executioner. 
Adieu, my royal brother ; may Heaven load you with its blessings, 
as well as my husband, my children, England, Denmark, and the 
whole world ! I supplicate you to allow my body to be laid in the 
tomb of my ancestors ; and now receive the last adieu of your unfor- 
tunate sister. Carolinb Matilda. 

« CeUe (Hanover), May 10, 1776.' " 



M 



BIRTHFLAtIB OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE. 

It is commonly believed that the Island of Martinique 
was the birthplace of Marie Josephine Rose Tascher de la 
Pagerie, better known as the Empress Josephine. It would 
seem, however, from the following circumstances, that 
St. Lucia has a preferable claim to that distinction. By 
the treaty of Paris (10th February, 1763), St. Lucia, until 
then one of the neutral islands, was ceded to France, and 

c 4t 



24 BIRTHPLACE OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE. 

was made a dependency of Martinique. The first step 
adopted by the local authorities on that occasion, was to 
ofier extensive grants of land in St. Lucia to such families 
in Martinique as might be disposed to settle in the former 
island ; and among those who took advantage of the pro- 
posal was M. de Tascher, the father of Josephine. In the 
course of the year 1763 he came over to St. Lucia, and 
settled with his family on the crest of a hill called Pcnx^ 
Bouche^ within a few miles of the site now occupied by the 
principal town. Here they continued to reside until 1771, 
when M. de Tascher, having been selected for the office of 
President of the ConseU Souverain in Martinique, returned 
with his family to that island, taking with him a child seven 
years old, to whom Madame de Tascher had given birth at 
Mome Paix-Bouche on the 24th June, 1764, and who was 
destined to become the wife of Bonaparte and the Empress 
of France. 

The fact that M. de T^ischer and his family settled in 
St. Lucia after the Treaty of Paris, is too well established 
to require corroboration. The fact that his residence there 
extended from 1763 to 1771 is no less certain. While 
collecting materials some years ago for the history of 
St. Lucia, 1 met with the most authentic proofs of this cir- 
cumstance ; but having returned the books and documents 
to the several parties to whom they belonged, I am unable 
at this moment to give a special reference under this head. 
As regards the particular date of Mademoiselle De Tascher*s 
birth, I am indebted for a knowledge of it to no less an 
authority than M. Sidney Daney, the author of a voluminous 
history of Martinique, who, while asserting thaf she was 
born on the paternal estate in that island, records the date 
in the following words : 

" Cette ann^e 1764 fut signage par la naissance d'une femme qui, 
tout en parvenant k la plus glorieuse des destinies humaines, devait 
6tre h la fois le symbole le plus doux de cette divine charity. Le 
vingt-quatre Juin naquit aux Trois-Ilets, sur ^habitation de sea pa- 
rens, Marie Josephine Rose Tascher de la Pagerie.'* 

That the claim of St. Lucia to the honour of having given 



BIRTHPLACE OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE. 25 



birth to that remarkable woman is no idle dream, no 
imaginary pretension, now set up for the first time, can be 
shown by many circumstances. From her coronation in 
1804, to her death in 1814, there were several persons in 
St. Lucia who asserted their knowledge of the fact. Some 
of them were still living in 1825, when the late Sir John 
Jeremie came to St. Lucia and collected information on the 
subject. In 1831 that able judge published in a local news- 
paper a short historical notice of St. Lucia, in which he 
gives the following unequivocal testimony on this question. 
I quote from the Si. Lucia Gazette aiid Public Advertiser of 
23rd Tebruary, 1831 : 

** On the summit of one of its (St. Lucia's) highest mountains, thd 
PaiX'Bouche (a word which in Negro-French is significantly expres- 
sive of silence), on a spot surrounded by trees, apparently the growth 
of centuries, it might be supposed that here at least the very name of 
the extraordinary being who has given an impulse to the age of Na- 
poleon had scarcely reached. A few yards from the almost impracti- 
cable and faintly traced path is the mouldering foundation of a decayed 
cottage. That was the birthplace of Joeephine. The inhabitants of 
Martinique, with whom all the ^t. Lucia families are connected, lay 
claim to Josephine as their countrywoman. The fact is, however, as 
I have stated it ; and this was admitted by one of her own family 
at Martinique to a lady of our island, but with the truly French 
addition, * qu'elle n'avait fait qu'y naitre.' The companion of her 
childhood was Mr. Martin Raphael, late a councillor of the royal 
court, who is still living, and who on visiting France was kindly re- 
ceived by her at Malmaison. Madame Delomel, who died bat a few 
months ago at a very advanced age, knew her well.*' 

On my arrival in St. Lucia in 1831, an old woman of 
colour, namedjD^e, was pointed out to me as having been 
in the service of the Taschers at Mome Paix-Bouche, She 
was then residing with the family of Mr. R. Juge, the Pre- 
sident of the Court of First Instance, and that gentleman 
assured me that nothing was more certain than that Jose- 
phine was born in St. Lucia. I afterwards had several con- 
versations with DSdS on the subject, and she confirmed Mr. 
Juge*s statement, adding that she was present at the time 
of Josephine's birth, and was employed as her bonne until 
the departure of the family for Martinique. Dedi was an 



26 BIRTHPLACE OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE, 

intelligent old dame, then about eighty years of age, and 
waa greatly respected by every one. 

I am aware that all this is at variance with the biogra- 
phical records of our time, which assign Martinique as the 
place of Josephine^s birth. But this inaccuracy may be 
accounted for on the following grounds. 1st. St. Lucia is 
within a short distance of Martinique, and at the period of 
Josephine*s birth was a dependency, a portion, as it were, 
of that colony. 2nd. The family had long been settled in 
Martinique before they came to St. Lucia, and all their 
predilections were for the former island. 3rd. Their so- 
journ in St. Lucia was not of long duration, and in a few 
years the circumstance of their having been there at all 
was probably forgotten by the public. 4th. There was no 
priest in St. Lucia in 1764, by whom the child might have 
been christened, and the place of her birth established be- 
yond dispute. 5th. When at a subsequent period she was 
baptized in Martinique, it happened naturally enough that 
there was no one present who had any knowledge of her 
having been born in St. Lucia, or who felt any concern in the 
matter. 6th. M. De Tascher had now become a personage 
of some distinction, and he was probably not unwilling to 
efface the recollection of his having been, at one time, a 
needy planter in the wilds of St. Lucia. 7th. Facts which 
have since acquired an obvious importance were of none 
at all in 1771. The suppression of such a circumstance, 
whether intentional or accidental, would have attracted no 
notice at that period of the history of the Taschers. It 
was not then anticipated that a member of the family would, 
at no very remote period, become associated with the 
greatest actor in the most extraordinary revolution in the 
world's history, and prove herself not unworthy of so 
exalted a destiny. 

All that relates to the Empress Josephine receives an 
added degree of interest from recent occurrences. It 
would be strange if the wife who was discarded by Na- 
poleon because she could not give him an heir for the im- 
perial throne, should give him, if not an heir, his first 



KING OF THE ISLE OF WIGHT, 27 

successor, in the person of her grandson, Prince Louis 
Kapoleon. As regards St. Lucia, too, there is a coincif 
dence which may be worth mentioning. When Napoleon 
fell into our hands after the battle of Waterloo, St. Lucia 
was the place first selected for his exile ; but in conse- 
quence of the dangers likely to arise from its proximity to 
Martinique, the scheme was relinquished, and the pre« 
ference given to St. Helena. ' Henbt H. Breen. 

St. Lucia. 



KING OF THE ISLE OF WIGHT. 

Henry Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, son of Bichard 
Earl of Warwick, was crowned King of the Isle of Wight 
by patent 24 Henry VI., King Henry in person assisting 
at the ceremonial, and placing the crown on his head. Le- 
Jand (Itiner,^ vol. vi. p. 91.) says, "Henricus Comes de 
Warwike ab Henrico YI. cui carissimus erat, coronatus in 
regem de Wighte^ et postea nominatus primus comes totius 
Angliae." Leland takes this ex LibeUo de Antiquitate Theok" 
sibriensis Monasteriiy in the church of which house this 
Duke of Warwick was buried. But little notice has been 
taken of this singular event by our historians, and, except 
for some other collateral evidence, the authenticity of it 
might be doubted ; but the representation of this duke with 
an imperial crown on his head and a sceptre before him, in 
an ancient window of the collegiate church at Warwick, 
leaves no doubt that such an event did take place. (See 
Worsley's Hist of the Isle of Wight for a plate copied from 
an accurate drawing of the king.) This honourable mark 
of the royal favour, however, conveyed no regal authority, 
the king having no power to transfer the sovereignty of any 
part of his dominions, as is observed by Lord Coke in his 
Institutes^ where this transaction is discussed ; and there is 
reason to conclude that, though titular king, he did not 
even possess the lordship of the island, no surrender appear- 
ing from Duke Humphrey, who was then living, and had a 
grant for the term of his Ufe. Mr. Selden too, in his Titles 



2d BAPTISM, ETC OF GEORGE III 

o/HonouTy p. 29., treating of the title of the King of Man, 
observes that " it was like that of King of the Isle of Wight, 
in the great Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, who was 
crowned king under Henry VI." Henry Beauchamp was 
also crowned King of Guernsey and Jersey. He died soon 
after these honours had been conferred on him, June 1 1 , 1445, 
when the regal title expired with him, and the lordship of 
the island, at the death of the Duke of Gloucester, reverted 
to the crown. 

BAPTISM, MAKBIAGEy AND CROWNING OF GEO. m. 

*' Died at his palace at Lambeth, aged seventy-five, the 
Most Reverend Thomas Seeker, LL.D., Lord Archbishop 
of Canterbury. His Grace was many years Prebendary of 
Durham, seventeen years Rector of St. James*, Westmin- 
ster, consecrated Bishop of Bristol in 1734, and in 1737 was 
translated to the See of Oxford. In 1750 he resigned the 
Rectory of St. James, on his succeeding Bishop Butler in 
the Deanery of St. Paul's ; and on the death of Archbishop 
Hutton in 1758, was immediately nominated to the metro- 
politan see, and confirmed at Bow Church, on the 20th of 
April in that year. Archbishop of Canterbury. His Grace 
was Rector of St. James's when our present sovereign was 
born at Norfolk House, and had the honour to baptize, to 
marry, and crown his majesty and his royal consort, and to 
baptize several of their majesties' children." — Pennsylvania 
Chronicle, Oct. 3, 1768. 

EXECUTION OP THE DUKE OP MONMOUTH, 

The following anecdote is introduced, in the form of a 
note, into the folio Dictionary of Pierre Richelet, a most 
valuable work, and full of history, ancient and modem : — 
** Le Due de Monmout donna six guin^es au Bourreau de 
Londres, pour lui bien couper la tSte ; mais le miserable 
ne meritoit pas ces guin^es, puisqu'il la lui coupa tr^s mal." 
Richelet himself does not give any authority, but merely 
relates the story, apparently with a view of illustrating the 



HAMPDEN'S DEATH, 29 

term *' guinea," as applied to the gold coin of Charles the 
Second. Vid. voc. " Gvinie^ 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH AND THE ELECTORS 

OF HULL. 

The following is a copy of a letter addressed to the Cor* 
poration of Hull : — 

<«WhitehaU, 23 Aug. 
** Gentlemen, 
** Upon my arrivall att London I mett with the report of Mr. 
Marvell's death, one of the burgesses for yo' towne, which gives me 
occasion to become a suitor to you in behalfe of Mr. Shales, that you 
would elect him to supply that vacancy in Parliament, whom I look 
upon as a person very well qualiiyed to serve the king, his country, 
and yo' Corporation in particular, to whose interests I shall always 
have a peculiar regard, and shall owne your kindness herein as an 
obligation to» 

*< Gentlemen, 

« Y' very humble Ser^, 

" Monmouth." 
In another hand— 

««Recdthe29«»»Augt,78.' 



n 



It appears, however, that the duke^s friend, Mr. Shales, 
was not elected to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death 
of Andrew Marvel, but apparently Mr. Anthony Gilby, 

Hampden's death. 

A Query in the 8th vol. p. 495., as to whether the great 
patriot Hampden was actutdly slain by the enemy on Chal* 
grove Field ? or whether his death was, as some have as- 
serted, caused by the bursting of his own pistol, owing to 
its having been incautiously overcharged ? produced the fol- 
lowing: communications:— 

HAMPDET9*S DEATH. 

** On the 21st of July, 1828, the corpse of John Hampden was dis- 
interred by the late Lord Nugent for the purpose of settling the dis- 
puted point of history as to the manner in which the patriot received 
his death- wound. The examination seems to have been conducted 



80 HAMPDEN'S DEATH, 

after a somewhat bungling fashion for a scientific object, and the 
facts disclosed were these : * On lifting up the right arm we found 
that it was dispossessed of its hand. We might therefore naturally 
conjecture that it had been amputated, as the bone presented a^per- 
fecUjr flat appearance, as if sawn off by some sharp instrument On 
searching under the cloths, to our no small astonishment we found 
the hand, or rather a number of small bones, inclosed in a separate 
cloth. For about six inches up the arm the flesh had wasted away, 
being evidently smaller than the lower part of the left arm, to which 
the hand was very firmly united, and which presented no symptoms 
of decay further than the two bones of the forefinger loose. £yen 
the nails remained entire, of which we saw no appearance in the 

cloth containing the remains of the right hand The 

clavicle of the right shoulder was firmly united to the scapula, nor 
did there appear any contusion or indentation that evinced symp- 
toms of any wound ever having been inflicted. The left shoulder, 
on the contrary, was smaller and sunken in, as if the clavicle had 
been displaced. To remove all doubts, it was adjudgecl necessary to 
remove the arms, which were amputated with a penknife ( !). The 
socket of the left (nc) arm was perfectly white and healthy, and the 
clavicle firmly united to the scapula, nor was there the least appear- 
ance of contusion or wound. The socket of the right (stc) shoulder, 
on the contrary, was of a brownish cast, and the clavicle being found 
quite loose and disunited from the scapula, proved that dislocation 
had taken place. The bones, however, were quite perfect.' These 
appearances indicated that injuries had been received both in the 
hand and shoulder, the former justifying the belief in Sir Robert 
Pye's statement to the Harleys, that the pistol which had been pre- 
sented to him by Sir Robert, his son-in-law, had burst and shattered 
his hand in a terrible manner at the action of Chalgrove Field ; the 
latter indicating that he had either been wounded in the shoulder by 
a spent ball, or had received an injury there by falling from his 
horse after his hand was shattered. Of these wounds he died three 
or four days after, according to Sir Philip Warwick. According to 
Clarendon, ' three weeks after being shot into the shoulder with a 
brace of bullets, which broke the bone.' The bone, however, was not 
found broken, and the * brace of bullets ' is equally imaginary." 

This account is from a newspaper cutting of The News, 
August 3, 1828.— (viii. 647.) 

An account of the patriot*s death, as related by Robert, 
Earl of Essex, said to have been given by an eye-witness, 
is extracted from the Town and Country Magazine for 
1817, p. 27. ; 



HAMPDEN'S DEATH, 31 

■ •* * You know,* said Sir Robert Pye (Hampden's son-in-law), * it \a 
eommonly thought my father-in-law died by a wound he received 
at Chalgrore Field from the enemy, but you shall hear the exact 
truth of the matter, as I had it from my father himself, some time 
before he expired.' " 

The account then describes the manner in which Hampden 
loaded his pbtols, and concludes with stating, — 

'*That on examining Hampden's unloaded pistol, it was found 
charged up to the top by the attendant whose duty it was to load the 
same. And the other pistol being in the like state, occasioned its 
bursting, and wounding Hampden's arm in such a shocking manner, 
that he received his death-wound thereby, and not by any hurt from 
the enemy." 

Echard the historian fully confirms this statement (see 
his History of England^ quoted in Noble*s CromweU, vol. ii. 
p. 98.), 'asserting that he had been informed on the best 
authorUy, that Hampden's death, which took place some 
days after he was wounded, arose from the bursting of a 
pistol, which belonged to a case of pistols presented to hun 
by Sir Kobert Pye, his son-in-law, adding, that when Sir 
Kobert visited Hampden in his last illness, he exclaimed, 
*' Ah ! Kobin, your unhappy pistol has been my ruin." In 
eonfirmation of these statements was found a book from 
Lord Oxford's collection, communicated to the editor of 
Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons (vol. i. p. 396.), by the 
late H. J. Pye, Esq., Poet Laureate, who was lineally de* 
scended from Hampden in the female line, containing the 
account which follows : 

" Two of the Harleys, and one of the Foleys, being at supper with 
Sir Robert Pye, at Farringdon House, Berks, on their way into 
Herefordshire, that gentleman related the following account of Hamp- 
den's death. That at the action of Chalgrove Field his pistol burst, 
and shattered his hand in a terrible manner. He however rode off 
and got to his quarters, but finding his wound mortal, sent for Sir 
Robert Pye, then a colonel in the Parliament army, and who had 
married his [eldest] daughter, and told him that he looked on him 
as in some degree accessory to his death, as the pistols were a present 
from him. Sir Robert assured him that he bought them in Paris of 
an eminent maker, and had proved them himself. It appeared, oa 



82 THE TALISMAN OF CHARLEMAGNE. 

examining the other pistol, that it was loaded to the muzzle with 
several supemamerary charges, owing to the carelessness of a ser- 
▼ant, who was ordered to see that the pistols were loaded evezy 
morning, which he did, without drawing the former charge." 

It would therefore seem, from the weight of traditionary 
authority, that the great patriot lost his life accidentally 
and was not slain on Chalgrove Field by the enemy. — (xii 
271.) 

THIQ TALISMAN OF CHARLEMAGNE. 

Many years back, *' Prince ** Louis Napoleon was stated 
to be in possession of the talisman of Charlemagne; — ^'a 
small nut, in a ^old filigree envelopment, found round the 
neck of that monarch on the opening of his tomb, and given 
by the town of Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) to Buonaparte, 
and by him to hb favourite Hortense, ci'devant Queen of 
Holland, at whose death it descended to her son,** the 
present Emperor of the French. 

The Germans have a curious legend connected with this 
talisman. It was framed by some of the magi in the train 
of the ambassadors of Aaroun-al-Kaschid to the mighty 
Emperor of the West, at the instance of his spouse Fas- 
trada, with the virtue that her husband should be always 
fascinated towards the person or thing on which it was. 
The constant love of Charles to this his spouse was the 
consequence ; but, as it was not taken from her finger after 
death, the affection of the emperor was continued un-> 
changing to the corpse, which he would on no account 
allow to be interred, even when it became offensive. His 
confessor, having some knowledge of the occult sciences, at 
last drew off* the amulet from the inanimate body, which 
was then permitted to be buried, but he retained possession 
of it himself, and thence became Charles's chief favourite 
and prime minister, till he had been promoted to the high- 
est ecclesiastical dignity, as Archbishop of Mainz and 
Chancellor of the Empire. At this pitch of power, whether 
he thought he could rise no higher, or scruples of con- 
science were awakened by the hierarchical vows, he would 



THE TALISMAN OF CHARLEMAGNE. 33 

bold the heatlien charm no longer, and he threw it into a 
lake not far from his metropolitan seat, where the town 
of Ingethiim now stands. The regard and afiection of the 
monarch were immediately diverted from the monk, and 
all men, to tiie country surrounding the lake ; and he de- 
termined on building there a magnificent palace for his 
constant residence, and robbed all the ancient royal and 
imperial residences, even to the distance of Ravenna, in 
Italy, to adorn it. Here he subsequently resided and died : 
but it seems the charm had a passive as well as an active 
power; his throes of death were long and violent; and 
though dissolution seemed every moment impending, still 
he lingered in ceaseless agony, till the Archbishop, who 
was called to his bed-side to administer the last sacred 
rites, perceiving the cause, caused the lake to be dragged, 
and, silently restoring the talisman to the person of the 
dying monarch, his struggling soul parted quietly away. 
The grave was opened by the third Otto in 997, and pos- 
sibly the town of Aachen may have been thought the 
proper depository of the powerful drug, to be by them 
surrendered to one who was believed by many, as he be- 
lieved himself to be, a second Charlemagne. 

In The Illustrated London News of 8th March, 1845, is an 
engraving professing to be a correct representation of this 
antique relic; but it is not there described as '^a small 
nut, in a gold filigree envelopment,*' and gives the idea of 
an ornament much too large for the finger or even wrist of 
any lady : that paper says, — 

**This cnrious object of virtii is described in the Parisian journals 
as, * la plus belle relique de r£urope ; ' and it has, certainly, excited 
considerable interest in the archieological and religious circles of the 
continent. The talisman is of fine gold, of round form, as our illus- 
tration shows, set with gems, and in the centre are two rough sap- 
phires, and a portion of the Holy Cross ; besides other relics brought 
from the Holy Land." 



34 Q UEEN MAR Y*S EXPECT A TI0N8, 



QUEEN mart's EXPECTATIONS. 

Most persons have heard of the anxiety of Queen Mary I. 
for the birth of a child, and of her various disappointments ; 
but may not be aware that among the Royal Letters in the 
State Paper Office are letters in French, prepared in ex- 
pectation of the event, addressed by Queen Mary, without 
date, except "Hampton Court, 1555" (probably about 
May), to her father-in-law, the Emperor Charles V., to 
Henry II., King of France, to Eleonora, Queen Dowager 
of France, to Ferdinand I., King of Bohemia, to Mary, the 
Queen Dowager of Bohemia, to the Doge of Venice, to the 
King of Hungary, and to the Queen Dowager of Hun- 
gary, announcing to each the birth of her child, the word 
being so written fil^ as to admit of being made^fe, or of 
an easy alteration to the feminine ^HZe, if necessary. 

WHAT WAS THE DAT OF THE ACCESSION 'OF 

RICHARD HI.? 

Sir Harris Nicolas, in his Chronology of History (2nd 
edition, p. 326.) decides for June 26, 1433, giving strong 
reasons for such opinion. But his primary reason, founded 
on a fac-simile extract from the Memoranda Rolls in the 
office of the King^s Remembrancer in the Exchequer of 
Ireland, printed, with fac-simile, in the second Report of 
the Commissioners on Irish Records, 1812, p. 160, gives rise 
to a doubt ; for, as Sir Harris Nicolas states, 

** It is remarkable that the printed copy should differ from the fac- 
simile in the identical point which caused the letter to be published, 
for in the former the *xxvij* of June' occurs, whereas in the fac-. 
simile it is the ' xxvj'^ of June.' The latter is doubtless correct ; for 
an engraver, who copies precisely what is before him, is less likely to 
err than a transcriber or editor." 

This is most probably the case ; but perhaps some of 
your correspondents in Ireland will settle the point ac- 
curately. — (iii. 351.) 

This inquiry led to the following : — 



2>AY OF ACCESSION OF RICHARD III 35 

I have examined the original inrolment of the entry upon 
the Remembrance Roll ex parte Capitalis Rememoratoris 
HibemiiB, of the second year of Richard III., with the^ac- 
simile of that entry which appears in the Irish Record Re-* 
ports (1810 — 1815, plate 9), and I find that the facsimile 
is correct. The accession of Richard III. is shown by the 
entry upon the original record to have taken place on the 
twenty-sixth day of June. This entry is, as I have stated, 
upon the roll of the second year of Richard III., and not of 
the first year, as stated by the said Record Reports, there 
being no Remembrance or Memoranda Roll of the first year 
of that monarch to be found amongst the Exchequer Re- 
cords of Ireland. Upon this subject of Richard III.*s 
accession, I beg to transmit to you the copy of a regal 
table which is entered in the Red Book of the Exchequer, 
probably the most ancient, as well as the most curious, 
record in Ireland. Judging by the character of the hand- 
writing of this Tabula Regum, I would come to the con- 
clusion, that the entries prior in date to that of Henry 
VIIL's reign have been made during the time of that 
monarch ; or, in other words, that this table has probably 
not been compiled at any time previous to the reign of 
Henry VUL J. F. F. 

Nomina Regum Angt post conquestQ Witii Bastard. 

Witts conquestor regnavit p - - xxi aniL Beried at 

Cane. 
Witts Rafus regii p " - xiii ann. 

Henricus primus regii p - - xxxvi anii. 
Stephns regii p - - - xx anii. 
Henr 8Co?us regii p - - xxxvi anii. 

Henr %cius rega p 'anu annu impfectum & ideo non 

de15 scribi. 
Ricus regn p • - - ix anii. 

Jolles regii p - - - xviii anii. 

Henr ?cius regii p - - - lvi anii. 
Edwardus prim^ regii p - • xxxv anii. 

D 2 



86 



CONTRACT OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS 



Edwardus scdus regn p - 
Edwardus tcius regii p - 

Hicus scdus regn p 
Henr quart us regn p 

Henr quint^ regn p 

Henr sextas regn p 

Edwardus quartus regii p 

Ei5us ?ciu8 regn p - 
Henricus septimus regn - 

Henricus octav° regn 
Edwardus sextus - 
Philip us et Maria - 
Elizabeth regina nunc 
Jacobus qui hodie regnat 
Carolus Rex. — (iii. 437.) 



xjx ann. 

L ann. & cxLvin 

dies. 
XXII ann. & c dies. 
XIII anil. q3 qr?iu® 

anil, "mj., ii dies. 
IX ann. & qrSiu^ 

anni Lxm dies. 
xxxYin ann. quind 

& in dies. 
XXII anil, xxxyii 

dies. 
II ann. di. 
xxni ann. & di sex 

sepi 
xxxviu an. 
vu an. 

V. 
XLIII. 

xxn plane. 



MAKRIAGE CONTRACT OF MART QUEEN OP SCOTS 
AND THE EARL OF BOTHWELL. 

Among the curious documents which have been pro- 
duced from time to time before the House of Lords in 
support of peerage claims, there have been few of greater 
historical interest than the one which we now reprint from 
the Fourth Part of the Evidence taken before the Com- 
mittee of Privileges on the Claim of W. Constable Max- 
well, Esq., to the title of Lord Herries of Terregles. It is 
a copy of the Contract of Marriage between Queen Mary 
and the Earl of Bothwell, which, although it is said to have 
been printed by Carmichael, in his Various Tracts relating 
to the Peerage of Scotland^ extracted from the Public Records, 



AND THE EARL OF BOTHWELL. 87 

has not been referred to by Robertson, or other historians 
of Scotland, not even by the most recent of them, Mr. 
Tytler. 

Mr. Tytler tells us that on the 12th of May, 1567, Both- 
well was created Duke of Orkney, " the Queen with her 
own hand^ placing the coronet on his head,** and that the 
marriage took place on the 15th of May at four o^clock 
in the morning in the presence-chamber at Holyrood ; 
and that on the following morning a paper, with this 
ominous verse, was fixed on the palace gate : — 

" Mense malas Maio nubere vulgus ait." 

The Contract, which is dated on the fourteenth of May, 
is preserved in the Register of Deeds in the Court of Ses- 
sion (Vol. IX. p. 86), and as the copy produced before the 
House is authenticated — and consequently it may be pre- 
sumed a more strictly accurate one than that which Car- 
michael has given — it seems well deserving of being trans- 
ferred to our columns, and so made more available to the 
purposes of the historian, than it has been found to be in 
CarmichaeFs Tracts or is likely to be when buried in a Par- 
liamentary Blue Book. 

Decimo quarto Maij anno domini tc. Ixvij. 
Sederunt dni sessionis clericus regri. 

In pns of ye lordis of counsale comperit personale nae 
ry* excellent ry* heicht and michte princes Marie be ye 
grace of God queene of Scottis douieier of France on that 
ane pairt and ane ry^ noble and potent prince James duk of 
Orkney erl Bothule lord Hales crycht^un and Liddisdeall 
great admiral of ye realm of Scotland on y* vy' p* and gaif 
in yis contract and appointnament following subscriuit w^ 
y' handis and desyrit ye samen to be insert in ye bukis 
of counsale to haif ye strenth force and effect of y' act and 
decreit thereupoun the q^'' desyre ye saidis lordis thocht 
reasonable and y'for hes decernit and decernis ye said con- 
tract and appointnament to be insert and registret in ye 
said bukis to haif ye strenth force and effect of y' act and 

D 3 



88 CONTRACT OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS 

decreit in tyme to cum et ad perpetuam rei memoriam and 
hes interponit and interponis y' autoritie y'to and ordenis 
y' autentik extract of the samen to be deliuerit to the foir- 
said partiis and the principale to remane apud reglstruni 
Off ye q*** contract ye tennor followis At Edinburgh ye 
xiiii. day of May the year of God I"'v*' thrie score sevin 
yeris it is appointit aggreit contractit and finale con- 
cordit betwix ye r* excellent ry* heich and mychte princess 
Marie be ye grace of Grod queen of Scottis douarrier of 
France on that ane pairt and ye ry* noble and potent prince 
James duke of Orkney erle Bothul lord Hales creychtoun 
and Liddisdeull great admiral of yis realm of Scotland on 
yt yyt pt jn manner forme and effect as eft«r followis that 
is to say fforsamekle as her majestic considering w* hirself 
how almycte God hes net onlie placit and constitut hir 
hienes to reigne over this realme and during hir liftyme 
to governe ye peple and inhubitantis y'of hir native subjects 
bot als that of hir royall persoun succession my* be produclt 
to enjoy and posses yis kingdome and dominionisy'ofquhen 
God sail call hir hienes to his mercie out of yis mortale life 
and how grecousle it hes plesit him alredy to respect hir 
hienes and yis hir realme in geving vnto hir maistie of her 
niest deir and onlie sone ye prince baith her heines self and 
hir heill subjects are detbond to render vnto God immortale 
prayss and thankis and now hir maistie being destitute of 
ane husband levand soliterie in ye estate of wedoheid and 
yet young and of flurisshing aige apt and able to procreat 
and bring furth ma childreyn hes been pressit and humble 
requirit to yeild vnto sum mariege quhilk petitioun hir 
grece weying and teking in gud pairt bot cheifle regarding 
ye preservatioun and continewance of hir posteritie hes 
condescendit y'^to and mature deliberatioun being had to- 
wert psonage of him w* quhome hir heines sail joyne in 
marriage ye maist p* of hir nobilitie be way of adviss hes 
humblie preyit hir maistie and thocht bettir that she sculd 
sefar humble hirself as to accept ane of hir awin borne 
subiectis in y state and place that war accustomet w* ye 
manneris lawls and consuetud of yis cuntre rether yan ony 



AND THE EARL OF BOTHWELL. 89 

foreyne prince and hir maistie preferrand their aduyse and 
preyeris with ye welfeir of hir relm to the avansment and 
promotion qlk hir heines in pticuler mycht heve be foreyn 
marriage hes in that point likwis inclinit to ye suit of hir 
said nobilitie and yai nemand ye said noble prince now duke 
of Orkney for ye Bpeciall personage hir maistie well aduisit 
hes allowit yair motioun and nominatioun and gratiouslie 
accedit yWnto having recent memorie of the notable and 
worthie actis and gude service done and performit be him 
to hir m4e als weill sen hir returning and arivall in this 
realme as of befoir in hir hienes minoritie and dureing the 
tyme of governament of umq^^ hir dearest moder of gude 
memorie in the furth setting of her ma^ies authoritie agains 
all impugnaris and ganestanders y'^of quhais magnanimitie 
couraige and constant trewth towert her ma*ie in preserva- 
tion of hir awn person from mony evident and greit dangers 
and in conducting of heich and profitable purposes tending 
to her hienes avancement and establissing of this countre 
to hir profite and universall obedience hes sa fer movit her 
and procurit hir favour and affectioun that abuist the com- 
mon and accustomat gude grace and benevolence quhilk 
princesses usis to bestow on noblemen thair subjectis weill 
deserving hir ma^ie wil be content to resaue and tak to 
hii husband the said noble prince for satisfaction of the 
hearts of hir nobilitie and people and to the effect that hir 
ma'ie may be the mair able to govern and rewill this realme 
in tyme to cum dureing hir liftyme and that issue and suc- 
cession at Groddis plesure may be producit of hir maist 
noble persoun quhilkis being sa dear and tender to hir said 
dearest son eftir hir ma^es deceas may befoir all oyris serve 
ayd and comfort him Quhairfore the said excellent and 
michtie princesse and queene and the said noble and potent 
prince James duke of Orknay sail God willing solemnizat 
and compleit the band of metrimony aither of them with 
vther in face of haly kirk w* all gudly diligence and als hir 
ma^ie in respect of the same metrimony and of the suc- 
cession at Goddis plesure to be procreat betwix thame 
and producit of hir body sail in her nixt parliament grant 

D 4 



40 CONTRACT OF MART QUEEN OF SCOTS 

ane ratificatioun w^ aviss of hir thrie estates quhilk hir 
ma^ie sail obtene of the infeftment maid be hir to the said 
noble prince then erll Boithuill and his airis maill to be 
gottin of his body quhilkis failzeing to hir hienes and hir 
crown to retume off all & haill the erlldome landis and 
ilis of Orknaj and lordship of Zetland with the holmes 
skeireis qujlandis outbrekkis castells towrs fortalices man- 
ner places milns multures woddis cunninghares ffishingis 
as Weill in firesh watters as salt havjnis portis raidis out- 
settis parts pendicles tennentis tennendries service of frie 
tennents advocation donation and richt of patronage of 
kirkis benefices & chaplanries of the samyn lyand wMn the 
sherifdom of Orknay and ffowdry of Zetland respective 
with the toll and customs within the saidis boundis togidder 
with the offices of sherifship of Orknay and ffowdry of 
Zetland and office of justiciarie w4n all the boundis als 
Weill of Orknay as Zetland with all priviledges fies liberties 
and dewities perteining and belanging y'to and all thair 
pertinentis erectit in ane haill and frie dukrie to be callit 
the dukrie of Orknay for evir and gif neid be sail mak him 
new infeftment thairvpoun in competent and dew form qu- 
hilk hir ma*ie promittis in verbo principis and in caiss as 
God forbid thair beis na airis maill procreat betwix hir 
ma*ie and the said prince he obleiss his other airis maill to 
be gottin of his body to renunce the balding of blenchferme 
contenit in the said infeftment takand alwyis and ressavand 
new infeftment of the saidis landis erlldome lordships ilis 
toll customs and offices abovewryten and all thair perti- 
nentis erectit in an dukrie as said is quhilk name and titill 
it sail alwyis retene notwithstanding the alteratioun of the 
balding his saidis airis maill to be gottin of his body payand 
zeirlie thairfore to our said soverane ladies successoris y"^ 
comptrollaris in y** name the soume of twa thousand pundis 
money of this realme lykas the samyn wes sett in the tyme 
of the kingis grace her gracious ffader of maist worthie 
memorie Mairowir the said noble and potent prince and 
duke obleiss him that he sail no wayis dispone nor putt 
away ony of his lands heretages possessiones and offices 



AND THE EARL OF BOTHWELL, 41 

present nor quhilkis he sail happen to obtene and conquies 
heireflir dureing the mariage fre the airis maill to be gottin 
betwix him & her ma^le bot yai to succeid to the same als 
weil as to the said dukrie of Orknay Furthermair it is 
concludit and accordit be hir ma^ie that all sitrnateurs ires 
and wrytingis to be subscrivit be hir ma^ie in tyme to cum 
eftir the completing and solemnization of the said mariage 
other of giftis dispositiones graces privileges or vtheris 
sic thingis quhatsumevir sal be alsua subscrivit be the said 
noble prince and duke for his interesse in signe and taken 
of his consent and assent y'to as her ma^ies husband Likas 
it is alsua aggreit and accordit be the said noble prince and 
duke that na signateurs Ires nor writingis othir of giftis 
dispositions graces priviledges or others sic thingis con- 
cerning the affairs of the realme sail be subscrivit be him 
onlie and w^out hir maples aviss and subscription and gift* 
ony sic thing happin the samyn to be of nane availl And for 
observing keiping and fuUfiUing of the premisses and every 
poynt and article y'of the said noble and michte princesse 
and the said noble prince and duke hes bundin and obleissit 
thame faithfullie to otheris and ar content and consentis 
that this present contract be actit and registrat in the 
buiks of counsale and session ad perpetuam rei memoriam 
and for acting and registring hereof in the samyn buiks her 
maMe ordains hir advocattis and the said noble prince & 
duke hes maid and constitute m" David Borthuik Alex*^ 
Skeyn his prors con^'ie and seaMe promittand de rato In 
witness of the quhilk thing hir ma^ie and the said noble 
prince and duke hes subscrivit this present contract with 
thair hands day yeir and place foirsaids befoir thir wit- 
nesses ane maist reverend ffader in God Johnne archbishop 
of Sant Andrews commendator of paisly & George eril of 
Huntlie lord Gordon and Badzeneth chencelar of Scotland 
&c. Dauid erll of Craufurd lord Lindsay Andro erll of 
Jlothes lord Leslie Alexander bishop of Galloway com- 
mendator of Inchaffray John bishop of Ross Johnne lord 
fflemyng Johnne lord Hereiss W'" Maitland of Lethington 
joungar secretar to our soverane ladle sir Johne Bellanden 



4i TWO CHANCELLORS, 

of Auchnoule knj^ justice clerk and M' Kobert Crichton of 

Elioh advocat to hir hienes with oy^s diverss. 

(Signed) Mabie l^. 

James duke of Obknat. 

TWO CHANCELLORS. 

In a communication to Notes and Queries, vol. iii. p. 257, 
Mr. Foss shows that on one occasion there were two chan- 
cellors acting at the same time for several months together, 
and both regularly appointed by the king. 

It is a unique instance, occurring in the reign of Ed- 
ward IV. t the two chancellors being Thomas Rotheram, 
Bishop of Lincoln, and John Alcock, Bishop of Rochester. 
The former received the Great Seal in May, 1474, in the 
fourteenth year of the reign, and without any doubt con- 
tinued chancellor till the king*s death ; and yet, from April 
to September in the following year, the latter was also 
addressed by the same title. During that interval of five 
months, there are numerous writs of Privy Seal addressed 
by the king to both, in which each of them is styled *' our 
chancellor." 

This curious circumstance may be thus accounted for. 
King Edward had for some time been contemplating an 
invasion of France ; -and when his preparations were com- 
pleted (about April), as he required his chancellor. Bishop 
Rotheram, to attend him on the expedition, it became ne- 
cessary to provide some competent person to transact the 
business of the Chancery in his absence. On previous oc- 
casions of this nature, it had been usual to place the seal 
that was used in England, when the king was abroad, in the 
hands of the Master of the Rolls, or some other master in 
Chancery, with the title of Keeper : but, for some unex- 
plained reason (perhaps because Bishop Alcock was a man 
whom the king delighted to honour), this prelate was dig- 
nified with the superior designation, although Bishop Ro- 
theram still retained it. The voyage being delayed from 
April to July, during the whole of that period, each being 



HENRY VIII, AND SIR T. CURWEN 43 

in England, both acted in the same character ; Privy Seals, 
as I have said, being sent to both, and bills in Chancery 
being addressed also to Bishop Alcock as chancellor. £o- 
theram was with the king in France as his chancellor, and 
is so described on opening the negotiation in August, which 
led to the discreditable peace by which Edward made him- 
self a pensioner to the French king. No Privy Seals were 
addressed to Alcock after September 28 ; which may there- 
fore be considered the close of this double chancellorship, 
and the date of Bishop Rotheram's return to England. 

Who knows, adds Mr. Foss, whether the discovery of 
this ancient authority may not suggest to our legislators the 
division of the title between two possessors with distinct 
duties, in the same manner that two chief justices were 
substituted in the reign of Henry III. for one chief jus- 
ticiary ? 

HENRY Vni. AND SIR THOMAS CURWEN. 

The following quaint extract from Sandford's MS. His^ 
tory of Cumberland^ now in the library of the Dean and 
Chapter of Carlisle, exhibits that '^ reknowned king," Henry 
YIII., in so good-natured a light, that we think it may 
amuse some of our readers. That the good kni^^ht and 
"excelent archer" should have been so outwitted by his 
Bon-in-law is a matter of some regret to one of his de- 
scendants : — 

" Sir Thos. Carwen, Knight, in Henry the Eight's time, an exce- 
lent archer at twelvescore merks ; and went up with his men to shoote 
with that reknowned King at the dissolution of abbeys: and the 
King says to him, Curwen, why doth thee begg none of these Ab- 
beys? I wold gratify thee some way. Quoth the other, Thank 
yow, and afterward said he wold desire of him the Abbie of ffurness 
(nye unto him) for 20*y one yeares. Saves the King : take it for 
ever : quoth the other, it is long enough, for youle set them up againe 
in that time : but they not likely to be set up againe, this Sir Tho. 
Curwen sent Mr. Preston, who had married his daughter, to renew 
the lease for him ; and he even rennewed in his own name ; which 
when his father-in-law questioned, quoth Mr. Preston, you shall have 



44 THE BATTLE OF WORCESTER. 

it as long as you live ; and I think I may as Trell have it with your 
daughter as another." 

After some descents, this family of Preston, of the manor 
of Furness, terminated in a daughter, -who married Sir 
William Lowther, whose grandson left his estates in Fur- 
ness and Cartmell to his cousin, Lord Greorge Cavendish, 
through whom they are inherited by the Earl of Burlington. 
As Harry the Eighth's good intentions towards Sir Thomas 
Curwen have been frustrated, his descendants must console 
themselves by knowing that the glorious old ruin of Furness 
could not be in better hands than his lordship's. 

ANECDOTE OP THE BATTLE OP WORCESTER, 

On the Bromyard road, some three miles and a half from 
the city of Worcester, is Cotheridge Court, the manorial 
residence of the Berkeleys. The Mr. Berkeley who held 
it at the date of the battle of Worcester was a stout royalist, 
and went to help the falling fortunes of his king. It so 
chanced that he had two piebald horses, who were exactly 
like each other, " specially Sambo," as the niggers say. He 
made one of these horses his charger, and rode him to the 
fight. When Cromwell had gained his " crowning merits," 
Mr. Berkeley escaped to Cotheridge as best he might ; and 
planning a very skilful rnise^ left his exhausted charger at 
one of his farm-houses not far from the Court. He then 
betook himself to bed, and, as he had foreseen, a troop of 
crop-headed parliamentarists now made their appearance 
before his doors and sought admittance. Mr. Berkeley was 
ill in bed, and could not be seen. Fudge ! they must see 
him. So they go to his bed-side. " So you were fighting 
against us at Worcester to-day, were you ? " say the crop- 
heads. " Me ! " says Mr. Berkeley, faintly and innocently ; 
" why, I am sick, and forced to keep my bed." " All very 
fine," say the crop-heads, " but you were there, my dear 
sir, for you rode a piebald charger, and were very con- 
spicuous." "It could not have been me," says the sick 
man, "for thougll I certainly do ride a piebald charger 



PROCLAMATION OF HENRY VIII. 45 

when I am in health, yet he has never been out of the 
stable all day. If you doubt my word, you had better go 
to the stable and satisfy yourselves." So the crop-heads 
go to the stable^ and there, of course, find piebald Ko. 2. 
as fresh as a daisy, and evidently not from Worcestef . So 
they conclude that they had mistaken their man, and leave 
the sick Mr. Berkeley to get well, and laugh over the ruse 
he has so successfully played upon them. 
- Not far from Cotheridge, on the Bransford road, is an 
old roadside inn called **The White-hall," opposite to 
which is a cotta<;e, the remnant of a larger house which 
stood there in 1651. A family of the name of Davis pos- 
sessed it, and their descendants live there to this day. It 
has been traditionally handed down in the family, that, 
after the battle of Worcester, some of Cromweirs troopers 
came to the house and demanded refreshment. The woman 
brought it out, and said, " Before I give it you, I must a»k 
who will pay me ? " Upon which one of the troopers said, 
" Here is he who will pay you ! " and, drawing his sword, 
flourished it in the woman*s face. 

CuTHBEBT Bede, B. A., vol. X. p. 259. 

PKOCLAMATION OP HENRY VIH. AGAINST THE 
POSSESSION OF RELIGIOUS BOOKS. 

The progress of the Reformation in England must have 
been greatly affected by the extent to which the art of 
printing was brought to bear upon the popular mind. Be- 
fore the charms of Anne Boleyfi could have had much 
effect, or "doubts" had troubled the royal conscience, 
Wolsey had been compelled to forbid the introduction or 
printing of books and tracts calculated to increase the un-^ 
settled condition of the faith. 

The following proclamation, now for the first time printed, 
may have originated in the ineffectual result of the cardi- 
nal's directions. The readers of Strype and Fox will see 
that the threats which both contain were no idle ones, and 
that men were indeed " corrected and punisshed for theyr 



46 PROCLAMATION OF HENRY VIIL 



contempte and disobedience, to the terrible example Of 
other lyke transgressours." 

The list of books prohibited by the order of 1526 con- 
tains all those mentioned by name in the present proclama- 
tion, except the Summary of Scripture ; and it will be seen 
that such full, general terms are used that no obnoxious 
production could escape, if brought to light. The Revekt" 
Hon of Antichrist was written by Luther. 

Strype does not seem to have been aware of the exist- 
ence of this particular proclamation, which was issued in 
the year 1530. Under the year 1534 (Ecclesiastical Mc" 
morials, SfC,^ Oxford, 1822, vol. i. part i. p. 253), he thus 
refers to what he thought to be the first royal proclamation 
upon the subject : 

^ Mnch light was let in among the common people by the New 
Testament and other good books in English, which, for the most 
part being printed beyond sea, were by stealth brought into Eng- 
land, and dispersed here by well-disposed men. For the preventing 
^he importation and using of these books, the king this year issned 
out a strict proclamation, by the petition of the clergy now met in 
Convocation, in the month of December. 

**Nor was this the first time snch books were prohibited to be 
brought in : for as small quantities of them were secretly conveyed 
into these parts from time to time, for the discovering, in that dark 
age, the gross papal innovations, as well in the doctrine of the Sacra- 
ment as in image-worship, addressing to saints, purgatory, pilgrim- 
ages, and the like. 

" A previous order (in the year 1526) was issued by the Bishop of 
London, by the instigation of Cardinal Wolsey, calling in all English 
translations of the Scripture. And other books of this nature were 
then forbid." 

This proclamation, therefore, well merits preservation in 
your pages, as one of the hitherto unknown "evidences" 
of the terrible and trying times to which it refers. 

It shows, too, the value of the class of papers upon which 
the Society of Antiquaries are bestowing so much atten- 
tion. The original was found among a miscellaneous col-> 
lection in the Chapter House, Westminster. 

Joseph Bubtt* 



A GAINST RELIGIO US BOOKS, 47 



A P&OCLAMATION. 

, . . . use Junii Anno regni metnendissimi Domini nostri Regis 

Henrici Octavi xxij. 

A Proclamation, made and divysed by the Kyngis High- 
nes, with the advise of His Honorable Counsaile, for 
dampning of erronious bokes and heresies, and prohibit- 
inge the havinge of Holy Scripture translated into the 
vulgar tonges of englische, frenche, or duche, in suche 
manor as within this proclamation is expressed. 
The Kinge, oure most dradde soveraigne lorde, studienge 
and providynge dayly for the weale, benefite, and honour 
of this his most [n]oble realme, well and evidently per- 
ceiveth, that partly through the malicious suggestion of our 
gostly enemy, partly by the yvell and perverse inclination 
and sedicious disposition of sundry persons, divers heresies 
and erronio[us] [o]plnions have ben late sowen and spredde 
amonge his subjectes of this his said realme, by blasphe- 
mous and pestiferous englishe bokes, printed in other re- 
gions and sent into this realme, to the entent as well to 
perverte and withdrawe the people from the catholike and 
true fayth of Christe, as also to stirre and incense them to 
sedition and disobedience agaynst their princes, soveraignes, 
and heedes, as also to cause them to contempne and neglect 
all good lawes, customes, and vertuous maners, to the final 
subversion and desolacion of this noble realme, if they 
myght have prevayled (which God forbyd) in theyr most 
cursed [p]ersuasions and malicious purposes. Where upon 
the kynges hignes (ttic), by his incomparable wysedome, for- 
seinge and most prudently considerynge, hath invited and 
called to hym the primates of this his gracis realme, and 
also a sufficient nombre of discrete, vertuous, and well- 
lerned personages in divinite, as well of either of the uni- 
versites, Oxforde and Cambrige, as also hath chosen and 
taken out of other parties of his realme ; gy vinge unto them 
libertie to speke and declare playnly their advises, judg- 
mentes, and determinations, concemynge as well the ap- 
probation or rejectynge of suche bokes as be in any parte 



48 PROCLAMATION OF HENRY VIIL 

suspected, as also the admission and divulgation of the Olde 
and Newe Testament translated into engUshe. Wher upon 
his highnes, in his owne royall person, callynge to hym the 
said primates and divines, hath seriously and depely, with 
great leisure and longe deliberation, consulted, debated, in- 
serched, and discussed the premisses: and finally, by all 
their free assentes, consentes, and agrementes, concluded, 
resolved, and determyned, that these bokes ensuynge, that 
is to say, the boke entitled the wicked Mammona, the boke 
named the Obedience of a Christen Man, the Supplication 
of Beggars, and the boke called the Revelation of Anti- 
christ, the Summary of Scripture, and divers other bokea 
made in the englisshe tonge, and imprinted beyonde y* see, 
do conteyne in them pestiferous errours and blasphemies ; 
and for that cause, shall from hens forth be reputed and 
taken of all men, for bokes of heresie, and worthy to be 
dampned, and put in perpetuall oblivion. The kingis said 
highnes therfore straitly chargeth and commandeth, all and 
every his subjectes, of what astate or condition so ever be 
or they be, as they wyll avoyde his high indignacion and 
most grevous displeasure, that they from hensforth do not 
bye, receyve, or have, any of the bokes before named, or 
any other boke, beinge in the englisshe tonge, and printed 
beyonde the see, of what matter so ever it be, or any copie 
written, drawen out of the same, or the same bokes in the 
frenche or duche tonge. And to the entent that his high- 
nes wylbe asserteyned, what nombre of tHe said erronious 
bokes shal be 'founde from tyme to tyme within this his 
realme, his highnes therfore chargeth and commaundeth, 
that all and every person or persones, whiche hath or her- 
after shall have, any boke or bokes in the englisshe tonge, 
printed beyonde the see, as is afore written, or any of the 
sayde erronious bokes in the 'frenche or duche tonge : that 
he or they, within fyftene dayes nexte after the publisshynge 
of this present proclamation, do actually delyver or sende 
the same bokes and every of them to the bisshop of the dio- 
cese, wherin he or they dwelleth, or to his commissary, or 
els before good testimonie, to theyr curate or parisshe preest, 



AGAINST RELIGIOUS BOOKS, 49 

to be presented by the same curate or parissbe preest to 
the sayd bisshop or bis commissary. And so doynge, his 
highnes frely pardonetb and acquiteth them, and every of 
them, of all penalties, forfaitures, and paynes, wherin they 
haye incurred or fallen, by reason of any statute, acte, or- 
dinaunce, or proclamation before this tyme made, concern- 
ynge any offence or transgression by them commytted or 
done, by or for the kepynge or holdynge of the sayde 
bokes. 

Forseen and provided alwayes, that they from hensforth 
truely do obsenre, kepe, and obey this his present gracis 
proclamation and commaundement. Also his highnes com- 
maundeth all mayres, sheriffes, baiUiffes, constables, burs- 
holders, and other officers and ministers within this his 
realme, that if they shall happen by any meanes or wayes to 
knowe that any person or persons do herafter bye, recey ve, 
have, or deteyne any of the sayde erronious bokes, printed 
or written anywhere, or any other bokes in englisshe tonge 
printed beyonde the see, or the saide erronious bokes printed 
or written in the frenche or duche tonge, contrarie to this 
present proclamation, that they beinge therof well assured, 
do immediatly attache the saide person or persons, and 
brynge hym or them to the kynges highnes and his most 
honorable counsayle; where they shalbe corrected and 
punisshed for theyr contempte and disobedience, to the 
terrible example of other lyke transgressours. 

MoreoTcr his highnes commaundeth, that no maner of 
person or persons take upon hym or them to printe any 
boke or bokes in englisshe tonge, concernynge holy scrip- 
ture, not before this tyme printed within this his realme, 
iintyll suche tyme as the same boke or bokes be examyned 
and approved by the ordinary of the diocese where the said 
bokes shalbe printed : And that the printer therof, upon 
every of the sayde bokes beinge so examyned,^ do sette the 
name of the examynour or examynours, with also his owne 
name, upon the saide bokes, as he will answere to the kynges 
liighnes at his uttermoste peryll. 

And farthermore, for as moche as it is come to the herynge 

E 



50 PBOCLAMATION OF HENRY VIII. 



of our sajde soyeraigne lorde the kynge, that reporte is 
made by djrers and many of his subjectes, that it were to 
all men not onely expedyent, but also necessarye, to have 
in the englisshe tonge botlie the newe testament and the olde, 
and that his highnes, his noble men, and prelates, were 
bounden to suffre them so to have it : His highnes hath 
therfore semblably there upon consulted with the sayde 

primates discrete, and well lerned personages in 

divinite forsayde, and by them all it is thought, that it is 

not necessary th to be in the englisshe tonge, 

and in the handes of the commen people; but that the 
distrib . . . the said scripture .... denyenge therof 
dependeth onely upon the discretion of the superiours, as 

to the malignite of this present tyme, with the 

inclination of the people to erroni the olde in to 

the vulgare tonge of englysshe, shulde rather be the occa- 

syon of people, than any benefyte or commodite 

to warde the weale of their soules. And e have 

the holy scripture expouned to them by preachers in thejrr 

sermons, ac this tyme. All be it if it shall here 

after appere to the kynges highnes, that his sa rse, 

erronious, and sedicious opinyons, with the newe testament 
and the olde, corrup .... ge in printe : And that the same 

bokes and all other bokes of heresye, as well termy- 

nate and exiled out of this realme of Englande for ever : 

his highnes e great lerned and catholyke persones, 

translated in to the englisshe tonge, if it sha[ll] than seme 
t . . . cony ... his highnes at this tyme, by the hoole 
advise and fuU determination of all the said primates, and 
. . , discrete and subs . . . lerned personages of both uni- 
versites, and other before expressed, and by the assent of 
his nobles and others of his moste hon[orab]le Counsayle, 
wylleth and straytly commaundeth, that all and every 
person and persones, of what astate, degre, or condition so 
ever he or they be, whiche hath the newe testament or the 
olde translated in to englysshe, or any other boke of holy 
scripture so translated, beynge in printe, or copied out of 
the bokes nowe beinge in printe, that he or they do im- 



CONTRIBUTIONS TO PARLIAMENT, 1642. 61 

mediatly brynge the same boke or bokes, or cause the same 
to be broughte to the bysshop of the dyocese where he 
dwelleth, or to the handes of other the sayde persones, at 
the daye afore Hmytted, la fourme afore expressed and 
mencioned, as he wyll ayoyde the kynges high indignation 
and displeasure. And that no person or persons from hens- 
forth do bye, receyre, kepe, or have the newe testament or 
the olde in the englisshe tonge, or in the frehche or duche 
tonge, excepte suche persones as be appoynted by the kinges 
highnes and the bisshops of this his reaime, for the correc- 
tion or amending of the said translation, as they will answere 
to the kynges highnes at theyr uttermost perils, and wyll 
avoyde suche punisshement as they, doynge contrary to the 
purport of this proclamation shall sufire, to the dredefull 
example of all other lyke offenders. 

And his highnes further commaundeth, that all suche 
statutes, actes, and ordinances, as before this tyme have been 
made and enacted, as well in y<^ tjrme of his moste gracious 
reigne, as also in the tyme of his noble progenitours, con- 
cemyng heresies, and havynge and deteynynge erronyous 
bokes, contrary and agaynst the faythe catholyke, shall im- 
mediatly be put in efiectuall and due execution over and 
besyde this present proclamation. 

And god save the kynge. 

■ ■Ill I »i" 

Tho. Bbstheletus, Regius impressor excusit. 
Cum privilegio. 

XIST OP THE NAMES OF THE MEMBEBS OP THE HOUSE 
OP COMMONS THAT ADVANCED HOBSE, MONEY, AND 
PLATE FOR DEFENCE OP THE FABLIAMBNT, JUNE 10, 
11, AND 13, 1642. 

The following communication was from Mr. F. Kyffin 
Lenthall : — 

The following list of contributions, "in horse, money, 
and plate," swiftly filled in when the peril of an approach- 
ing collision in the field between the King and Parliament 

K 2 



62 CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEFENCE 

was hourly becoming more imminent, at the outset of the 
citII war in the month of June, 1642, by members of the 
House of Commons, in accordance with a resolution they 
had just passed, inviting voluntary aid " for defence of the 
Parliament,** or, in the emphatic but loyally-guarded lan- 
guage of one of the patriot contributors, ** for maintenance 
of the true Protestant religion, the defence of the king's 
person, his royaU authoritie anddigniiie, our lawes, liberties, 
and privileges conjunctively,** faithfully transcribed from 
an original (MS.) parliamentary minute-book of the period, 
has, notwithstanding the great historic interest attaching to 
such a document, never, I believe, yet been published. 

As one of those comparatively slight " remnants of his- 
tory ** which, coming down the stream, has fortunately 
hitherto '* escaped,** as Lord Bacon expresses it, *' the ship- 
wreck of time,** had it related to some infinitely less impor- 
tant phase than this, almost the first opening dawn, as it 
were, of actual hostilities in that most sublime of civil con- 
flicts, the conflict of the seventeenth century, it would still, 
fragmentary though it be, have presented a valuable me- 
morial addition to the already richly laden — would that in 
reference to this particular era we could yet say impartial I 
— page of English history. 

A state paper, however, of, to say the least, high bio- 
graphic and historic interest, has this once simple but 
significant record of the early sacrifices made by our il- 
lustrious ancestors, — the mere earnest, as it unhappily 
proved, of farther sacrifices and future sufferings in the 
" good old cause,** as it shortly after, towards the close of 
the contest, came to be called, of constitutional liberty, — 
now become. Strikingly, because minutely, illustrative — 
confirmatorily so at all events — of the high and purely 
disinterested objects for which — admittedly, I believe I 
may say beyond all cavil or question in these " latter days ** 
— the parliamentary reformers of 1640 first individually 
and collectively entered upon that great struggle, on the 
final issue of which, under Providence, the future liberties 
of Englishmen were to depend, when taken in conjunction 



OF PARLIAMENT, 1642. 63 

with its parent resolution, it none tlie less distinctly, because 
incidentally, marks the firm, unfaltering purpose, thorough 
determination, and steady, enthusiastic, eai'nest, enduring 
zeal, yet tempered by loyal respect to the person of the 
sovereign, with which, when on the very eve of ^* appealing 
to that high Being who gave them the rights of humanity,** 
the ^* Commons of England *' prepared to take the field. 

Viewed simply, however, as an authentic cotemporary 
roll, quaintly, in the very language of the hour, setting 
forth the names, and indicating the resources, ability, or 
amount of devotion * to the public service of those distin- 
guished men, who, having freely come forth at their 
country's bidding in her dark hour of difficulty and gloom, 
and once '^ put hands to the plough," now, when the great 
crisis had at length arrived, " looked not back," but nobly 
committed themselves, their lives, liberties, families, and 
fortunes, ** for better for worse," to the doubtful issue of a 
gigantic quarrel in a just and glorious cause, such a me- 
morial as this can scarcely be deemed unworthy of being 
rescued from the dust, oblivion, and neglect in which it 
has, apparently for now over some two hundred years, 
silently reposed. 

It will be found to contain the names of many, the great 
majority, in fact, of those "giant patriots" and "fiery 
spirits " who originally constituted the " life and soul " of 
• 

^It would, perhaps, scarcely be fair, however, to infer unrnt of zeal 
in any instance, even did (which is not the case) the amoant of any 
particular subscription at first sight seem to warrant such an infer- 
ence. The resolution itself, however, careixilly guards against the 
possibility of any such construction, by expressly declaring that 
** inasmuch as the condition of the estates and occasions of men is 
not always proportionable to their affections, no man's affection 
shall be measured by the proportion of his offer, so that he express 
his good will to this service in any proportion whatsoever.*' Excem 
of tealf on the contrary, may readily be traced in the liberal contri- 
butions brought in by Cromwell and other leading Parliamentarians. 
The ** Resolution," or rather ** Declaration," itself will be found in 
extemo on the Commons' Journals of this date. It is too lengthy to 
incorporate in these pages. 

s8 



64 CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEFENCE 



that immortally famous body, that mighty Sanhedrim, the 
Long Parliament,— a set of men fit to grapple with tyranny, 
to rescue the country from ruin, to rescue truth when 
pushed from the tribunal of the judges, and to vindicate 
the ancient, rightful, and free constitution of England, — a 
parliament, the name of which is still, after the lapse of two 
centuries, inseparably associated with unfading recollec- 
tions of its possession of perhaps the noblest intellect, the 
highest qualities, and the most glorious heroism ever brought 
to the direction of great state affairs, — a parliament whose 
untiring labours, indomitable energy, daring enterprise, 
and undaunted courage in pursuit of freedom, fairly en- 
title it to the long-delayed but grateful recognition it has 
at length come to receive of its just claims to an imperish- 
able renown. 

If ever (vain expectation ! ) a history — one deserving of 
the name, I mean — of this august assembly, of this *' the 
Father of Parliaments, which first rendered Parliaments 
supreme," and " the most remarkable Parliament that ever 
sat " (as Mr. Carlyle designates it), should be written, it 
will assuredly be in a keen and almost microscopic examina- 
tion alone of the genuine archives of the period — of its 
monuments and its memorials, of its registers and its re- 
cords, of its minutes and its journals, of its declarations and 
its ordinances, of its speeches and its dispatches, of its state 
papers, but, above all, of its domestic correspondence — by 
intelligent scrutiny, in short, into each and all its acts, and 
facts, and deeds, and " utterances," proveably identifiable 
as such, and by no longer rendering tame, servile "suit 
and service" to lying cotemporary Histories, and Chronicles, 
and Collections, and Lives, and Memoirs*, and similar apo- 

* I must except Mrs. Hutchinson's fine Memoirs from the some- 
what sweeping condemnation I have passed in the above sentence. 
Notwithstanding her undoubtedly strong political predilections, I 
believe a more conscientiously honest narrative was never given to 
the world, or a more faithful representation of the history of the 
times in which she lived written, than she has bequeathed to us in 
her admirable Life of Colonel Hutchiruon, There is scarcely a pas- 



OF PARLIAMENT, 1642. 65 

crjphal ^* authorities,** all more or less wanting in those three 
most indispensable cardinal virtues of professing narrative, 
to wit, accuracy, impartiality, and truth, that some dim 
perception, some faint realisation of those noble manifesta- 
tions of human character in times of unprecedented diffi- 
culty and danger which the fierce antagonism and mortal 
strife of the civil wars either brought to light or gave birth 
to, — characters illumined, elevated, purified, and exalted 
by hourly sharing in the perils, and participating in the 
common glories and responsibilities by which they were 
surrounded, — will perchance eventually be ai'rived at. 

F. Kttfiw Lenthaix. 
Bessels-Leigh, Berks. 

Booke of the Names of the Members of the House of Commons that 
advance Horse, Money, and Flate, for Defence of the Farliament, 
June 10th, lith, ^c, 1642. 

Yeneris x« Janii, 1642. 

Sir Jo. Evelyn, Jan., will bringe in fower horses and two hundred 

pownds in present money. 
Mr. Long, fower horses and two hundred pownds in plate or money. 
Sir Peter Wentworth, three horses, hundred pownds in present 

money. 
Mr. Tomkins, two horses freely at his owne charge. 
Mr. Arth. Goodwyn, one hundred pownds in ready money, and will 

mainteyne fower horses at his own charge. 
Mr. Wm. Strode will mainteyne two horses at his own charge, and 

will bringe in fifty pownds and some plate. 
Mr. Holies will bringe in three hundred pownds, and mainteyne 

fower horses, and sett them forth in bufite cotes and 

Sir Sam. Bolle will mainteyne the paye of twelve horses. 

Mr. Valentine will bringe in and mainteyne two horses. 

Mr. Martin will bringe in and mainteyne six horses at his owne 

charge. 
Mr. Seijt Wilde wUl bringe in and mainteyne two horses at his owne 

charge. 

sage or incident in the whole book relating to public affairs which 
is not more or less borne out and corroborated either by the journals 
of the two Houses, or other indisputable evidence. 

E 4 



6G CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEFENCE 

Sir Jo. Northcott, will bringe in two hones and men * presentlye, 

and fower more soe soone as hee can have them out of the country, 

and a hundred pownds in money. 
Sir Gilb* Gerard will bringe in fower horses, and mainteyne them at 

his owne charge. 
Sir Jo. Francklyn will doe the like. 
Mr. Hampden will bringe in two hundred pownds in plate, and 

bringe in and mainteyne three horses. 
Mr. Crue will bringe in two hundred pownds in plate, and mainteyne 

fower horses. 
Mr. Pierrepointe will bringe in and mainte3me two horses, and 

bringe in an hundred pownds in money or plate. 
Mr. Pym will bringe in and mainteyne two horses, and one hundred 

povmds, eyther in plate or money. 
Mr. Nath. Fines will finds one horse, and bringe an hundred pownds 

in money. 
Sir Rob* Pye will bringp in and mainteyne four horses, and laye 

downe, eyther in money or plate, two hundred pownds. 
Mr. H. Darley will bringe in two hundred pownds. 
Sir Ro. Coke will bringe in and mainteyne two horses, and bringe in 

one hundred pownds in money or plate. He offers the like for 

Sir Sam. Luke. 
Sir Benj. Rudyard, an hundred pownds freely without interest, for 

defence of king, kingdome, and parliament conjunctively. 
Sir F. KnoUys, sen., will bringe in and mainteyne two horses for 

himself and two for his sonne. 
Mr. Browne, of Dorset, will bringe in and mainteyne one horse, and 

bringe in an hundred pownds. 
Sir WiA Brereton will bringe in fower horses, and send them up as 

speedyly as hee can, and bringe in an hundred pownds in ready 

money or plate. 
Mr. John Ashe will contribute weekly ten pounds towards the 

mainteyning of horse soe long as the service shall continue. 
Mr. £dw. Ashe will bringe in fower horses and mainteyne them at 

his owne charge, and if there bee occasion to marche, will have 

five hundred pownds ready at an hour's warnings for the service. 
Sir Win Litton will bringe in two horses and an hundred pownds. 
Mr. Winwood will bringe in sixe horses, and sixe more if there bee 

need. 



* The pay of a trooper in the service of the Parliament at this 
period was 2«. 6dL per diem, of which sum 1«. 4dL was for the ** main- 
tenance" of his horse. Foot soldiers received 8dL per diem. 



OF PARLIAMENT, 1642. fi7 



'i^. Warten will biioge in two horses and a hundred pownds in 

money* 
Sir Nath. Bamdisten will bringe in two horses, and continue the 

five hundred pownds hee has formerly sent. 
Sir Thos. Dacres will bringe in two horses, and, eyther in money or 

plate, two hundred pownds. 
Sir £dm. Fowell will brioge in two horses, for king, kingdoms, and 

parliament coDjunctively. 
Mr. Heueinghan will bringe in three horses and one hundred pownds 

in plate or money. 
Mr. Nicholls will bringe in two horses. 
Aid. Penington will bringe two hundred pownds in money. 
Sir Jo. Harrison will bringe in fower horses for himselfo and his 

Sonne. 
Sir Edw. Mentfort will bringe in two horses and mainteyne them. 
SirHarbottle Grimston will bringe in an horse and give twenty 

pounds freely. 
Mr. RoUe will bringe in an hundred pownds. 
Sir Ro. North will bringe in, in plate, an hundred pownds, and give 

it freely to this service. 
Sir Thos. Woodhouse will bringe in two horses and two hundred 

pownds in plate or money. 
Sir Edw. Hungerford will bringe in six horses. 
Sir Dud. North ¥riil freely give sixty pownds. 
Sir Rich<^ BuUer will bringe in three horses for himself and his sonne 

F. BuUer. 
Mr. Rich. Trench of Plymouth will the next weeke pay in five hun- 
dred pownds lent by the towne, and five hundred pownds more, 

which he lends to this service. Sir Rich. Buller is appointed to re- 
turn him thankea. 
Mr. Glyn will mainteyne an horse, and bringe in an hundred pounds 

in money or plate. 
Sir William Drake will mainteyne two horses, and bringe in two 

hundred pounds in money or plate, for the kinge and parliament 

conjunctively. 
Mr. Drake will brioge in an hundred pound in plate, and have in 

readynes one horse. 
Mr. Speaker * will maintej'ne an horse, and give fifty pounds in 

money or plate. 

* The amount of LenthalPs subscription, the *' maintenance '* of a 
horse, and " fifty pounds in money or plate " (no inconsiderable sum 
in those days), is perhaps scarcely open to remark one way or the 
other; but it may nevertheless be observed, that the ** conditioa " of 



68 CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEFENCE 

Mr. Jeanonr will mainteyne two hones 3oe long as this 

Sir Rich. Onslow will maintejne fower horses for himself and his 

Sonne. 
Sir Sam. Owfield will mainte^me fower horses, and doe more if occasion 

shall bee. 
Mr. H. Pethar [Qy. Pelham?] will bringe an hmidred pownds. 
Mr. Whittlock will mainteyne two horses. 

Mr. Yassall will mainteyne one horse, and, if occasion bee, two more. 
■ ■■* ^- ' - 

his " estate ** at this period was certainly by no means " proportion- 
able " to his " affections " to the public service. 

In a letter to Secretary Sir Ed. Nicholas, still preserved, in the 
State Paper Office, dated the December preceding, he says, " I have 
now in tJiis employment (that of Speaker) spent almost fonrteen 
months, which hath so exhausted the labours of twenty-five years, 
that I cannot but expect a speedy ruin, and put a badge of extreme 
poverty on my children," and he therefore requests the king's per- 
mission, ** to use my best endeavours with the House of Commons 
to be quit of this employment, and retire back into my former pri- 
vate life, whilst I have some ability of body left," &c Owing to 
this letter probably, on the report of a Committee (of which Hamp- 
den was chairman) the House, at the King's recommendation, shortly 
afterwards, ** in consideration of his great and extraordinary charges," 
voted him 6000/., ** of which, to this day," he writes, in 1660, " I have 
never received above the one half." 

His coasin. Sir Thomas Tempest, the King's Attorney-General in 
Ireland, writing to him from Dublin the preceding August (1641), 
says : " Our worthy Speaker here and I often remember you both 
very hartily and truely lovingly. His employment here is, and hath 
been, very troublesome and extreamly chargeable both in cost and 
lo8t^ wherein I doubt yon partake with him and exceed ; but, God be 
thanked, you have both great estates to bear that out, and truely 
they had need be so." ( Tan. MSS, BihL Bodl.) In a vindication 
of himself, published in 1660, the *' great estate," as well as the ''cost 
and lost " of the Speakership, to which Sir Thomas alludes, are thus 
more fully explained : " When 1 was first called to be Speaker," he 
says, *' I think it is known to most I had a plentiful fortune in land, 
and ready money too a good summe, and if I had continued my way 
of practice, I might as well have doubled my fortune as get what I 
did, because the estate 1 had then gained was the profits of my be- 
ginnings ; and having lost now twenty years of the best part of my 
life, and the greatest of my advantages, it will appear I have been a 
greater loser than an improver of my fortunes by those public places 
I have with so much hazard and danger undergone. I received by 



OF PARLIAMENT, 1642. 69 

Mr. Yen will bringe in an hundred pownds in money, and will have 
a horse ready for himself and sonne allwayes, uppon 

Sir H. Heyman will bringe in one hundred pounds in plate or money 
and two horses, for the defence of the kinge, kingdome, and pri- 
vileges of parliament and liberties of the subject. 

Mr. Stevens will furnish two horses compleatly. 

Mr. Ro. Goodwyn will bringe in one horse and fifty pownds in plate 
or money. 

the last years of my practice Jive and twenty hundred pounds by the 
year, which I quitted when I was made Speaker, and instead of 
making any advantage by that, I added a great charge, keeping a 
great retinue and public table," &c. And he further affirms, " Of the 
bh per diem, due to the Speaker as Speaker, from my first sitting to 
my last, I never received one farthing," and (with the exception, of 
course, of the vote already mentioned) ** I never had any recompense 
from the House in money, land, or by other reward, and from 1648 to 
the last time I sate, I never received any profit by fee or otherwise." 
In Lord Somers*s TratcU, vol. vii. p. 103., there is a letter (evidently 
addressed to Lord Goring) confirmatory of this statement, in which 
the writer says, " I am very glad you have given me an opportunity 
of vindicating my old friend the late Speaker. You cannot be unac- 
quainted with the greatness of his practice before he was called to 
that employment, for I, having seen his accounts [can vouch] 'twas 
more than 2000il per annum. In the first two years of his Speaker- 
ship he kept a public table, and every day entertained several 
eminent persons, as well belonging to the Court, as Members of Par- 
liament, &c Immediately after, the unhappy war broke out, 

and it was his chance to have his fortunes in the activest parts of it, 
so that his estates for five years yielded him nothing." One of the 
"• estates " thus referred to was that of Bessels Leigh, the old manor 
plac« of which (from its proximity to the royal quarters at Oxford) 
was once seized, and for a time garrisoned, by the King. (White- 
lock's Memorials. ) Of the Speaker's ** hearty afiection " to the pub- 
lic service, he had already in the preceding ** short " parliament, as 
Chairman of the Ship Money Committee, and subsequently of the 
Committee of the whole House, given abundant proof. There was 
scarcely a committee, in fact, appointed, however remotely afiecting 
any one of the three great questions which then so deeply agitated 
the public mind, viz. Religion, Privilege, and Supply, on which his 
name does not occur in the Journals, associated with the leaders of 
the popular party, Hampden, St. John, and Pym, &c., from his very 
first entry into the House. He had also previously declined to con- 
tribute to the king's expedition against the Scots. 



60 CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEFENCE 



Sir GUb* Pickering will bringe in fbwer hones and one hundred 
end fifty pownds in numey or plate. 

Mr. Browne, of Kent, will bringe in an hondred pownds in money 
or plate. 

Gapt Skinner will bringe in two horses. 

Sir Thoa. Walsingham will bringe in an hnndred pownds in money 
or plat^ and have two horses allwayes ready at fower-and-twenty 
howers wamxnge. 

Sir Rob< Harley will fiiniishe two horses. 

Mr. Porey will ftirnishe one horse. 

Mr. Green will fnmiahe one hone and bringe in fifty pownds in plate 
or money. 

Sir Edward Boyse will Inmishe two bones, when there shall bee 
occasion, and bringe in fifty pownds in plate or money. 

Mr. Prideaux will bringe in an hnndred pownds. 

Mr. Lucas will bring in fifty pownds in money and one horse. 

Mr. Peard will bring in an hundred pownds and expect noe interest. 

Mr. Rigby will send np one horse completely funusht, if his coontie 
bee in peace nine dayes after hee comes down. 

Mr. Bagahaw will bringe in fifty pownds and expect noe interest, for 
the preservation of the kinge and parliament^ accordinge to his 
protestation, oathe of snpremacie, and allegiance, conjunctively 
and not divided, and in noe other manner. 

Mr. Reynolds will fnmishe out two horses, and bringe in an hun- 
dred pownds in plate. 

Mr. Elnightley will bringe in an hundred pownds in money and for- 
nishe two horses. 

Mr. Grantham will fumishe out two horses. 

Sir Ja Merrick will ftunish two horses. 

Mr. Oldsworth will subscribe fifty pownds and furnish an horse. 

Mr. Kirle will fturnish one horse. 

Mr. Cromwell will bringe in five hundred pownds. 

Mr. Ashton will bringe in two horses. 

Mr. Ja Moore will bringe in two horses. 

Sir Beauchamp St. Jon will bringe in two horses. 

Mr. Tate will bringe in two horses and mainteyne them. 

Mr. Hobby will finde two horses. 

Sir Jo. Holland will bringe in two horses ready fumisht, and an 
hnndred pownds in money or plate, for maintenance of the true 
Protestant religion, the defence of the king's person, his royall 
authoritie and dignitie, our lawes, liberties^ and privileges con- 
junctively. 

Mr. Sam. Browne will bringe in one hundred pownda. 

Sir Thoa. Soame will bringe in two horses compleatly ftimisht. 



OF PARLIAMENT, 1642. 61 

Sir £dw. Master will bringe in an hundred pownds presently, and on 

hundred pownds a month hence. 
Mr. Thos. Moore will fumishe two horses. 
Mr. Cornelius Holland will fumishe two horses. 
Mr. White will bringe in an hundred pownds and expect noe interest. 
Mr. Lawrence Whittacre will freely give twenty pownds. 
Mr. Mathew will tinde one horse and furnish fifty pownds in plate 

or money. 
Mr. Downes will bringe in fifty pownds. 
Mr. Millington will, for the present, bringe in fifty pownds. 
Mr. Noble will bringe in one hundred pownds. 
Mr. H. Herb* will furnish one horse 
Mr. Edw. Mountague will bringe in an hundred pownds in plate or 

money for defence of the kinge and parlem* conjunctively, and not 

divided. 
Mr. Tho. Laine will furnish one horse. 
Mr. Fountaine will bringe in one horse. 
Mr. Harris will give fifty pownds. 
Mr. Geo, Buller will fumishe one horse. 
I^Ir. Thos. Arandell will fumish one horse. 

Mr. Rich. Powerys [Qy. Sir Rich. Price?] will fumish fifty pownds. 
Sir Jo. Hippisley will completely famish three horses. 
Sir Jo. Curson will fumish two horses. 

Sir Jo. Young will fumish with a free loane of two hundred pownds. 
Mr. Fenis [or Ferris] will lend fifty pownds freely. 
Mr. Thomas will lend fifty pownds freely. 
Mr. Gonstantine will fumish one horse. 

Sir Walti^ Erie will fumish fower horses for himselfe and his sonne. 
Mr. Roger Hill will bringe in an hundred pownds. 
Mr. Ellis will bringe in an hundred pownds. 
Mr. AshuTst will bringe in one horse. 

Mr. Ralfe Ashton will bringe in two hundred and fifty pownds. 
Mr. Harman will bringe in one horse. 
Mr. Corbett will bringe in fifty pownds. 
Mr. Owner will lend fifty pownds freely. 
Sir. Jo. Fenwick will fumishe two horses. 
Mr. Blakiston will bringe in fifty pownds. 
Sir Thos. Sandys will bringe in an horse. 
Mr. Spurstoe will briDge in two hundred pownds. 
Sir Peter Wrothe will fumishe a horse. 
Mr. Hunt will famishe one horse. 
Mr. H. Shelley will bringe in fifty pownds. 
Mr. Rob* Nicholas will give twenty pownds freely. 
Mr. Jo. Franklyn will bringe in fifty pownds. 



62 CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEFENCE 

Mr. Salway will bringe in and maintejne one horse, 

Serg* Cresswelle will bringe in one hundred pownda. 

Mr. Barker will bringe in fifty pownda. 

Mr. Bosevile will eyther bringe in one horse or an hundred pownda. 

Mr. W<B Thomas will bringe in one horse. 

Mr. Jo. Wogan will send in one horse well furnisht. 

Sir Hugh Owen will finde two horses. 

Mr. Lowry will find a horse ready furnished. 

Sabbathi xio Junij 1642. 

Sir H. Ludlow will finde thre horses ready furnished, and, if occasion 

bee, three more. , 

Sir H. Vane will finde two horses ready furnished and mainteyne 

them. 
Mr. Leigh will find one horse ready furnished and mainteyne it« 
Mr. Searle will pret^ bringe in fifty pownda. 
Mr. Halloes will pretty bringe in fifty pownds. 
Mr. Dowse will pret^ bringe in fifty pownds. 
Mr. Percivall '\ 

and >will presently bringe in fifty pownds apeece. 
Mr. Tell J 
Collonell Groring will (as soone as his moneth's pay, due to him as 

governor of Portsmouth, comes in) expresse what he will doe in 

this service to w«i> bee hath soe much affecOn.* 
Mr. Shuttleworth will biinge in one hundred pownda for himselfe 

and his sonne. 
Sir Rob* Craine will bringe in fower horses for the defence of the 

king and parliament not divided. 
Mr. Gurdon will lend one hundred pownds freely. 
Mr. Phillip Smith will lend forty pownds freelie. 

Luna xiiio Junij. 

Sir Nevill Poole undertakes to bringe in fower horses for himself and 

his Sonne. 
Sir Jo. Finch undertakes to bringe in two horses. 
Sir Ambrose Browne will finde two horses well furnisht 
Mr. Hayes will bringe in one hundred pownds towards this service, 

to be lent freely. 



♦ The real extent of Goring's « soe much affection " to the " service *' 
was pretty sufiBciently indicated shortly after this by his declaring 
for the king and deliberately surrendering Portsmouth into the royal 
hands, which act of treachery he successfully accomplished on the 
5th of August following. 



OF PARLIAMENT, 1642. 65 



Mr. Lowe of Calne will bring in one hundred pownda. 

Mr. Gawdj will lend fifty pownds freely. 

Sir Jo. Price will bringe in two horses, having convenient time given. 

Mr. Hodges will bringe in two horses, or one horse and fifty pownds. 

Sir F. Bamham will lend an hundred pownds freely. 

Sir Wm. Waler [Waller] will finde fower horses and bringe in one 

hundred pownds. 
Mr. Trenchard will finde one horse. 
Sir Ro. Burgen [Burgoyne] will finde two horses. 
Sir Tho. Barrington will underwrite for fower horses and bringe in 

five hundred pownds. 
Sir W™ Masham will bringe in fower horses. 
Sir Martin Lumley the like. 
Ifr. Herbert Morley two horses. 
Mr. Younge one hundred pownds. 
Mr. Tnlse will give freely twenty pownds. 
Mr. Stapley two horses. 
Mr. Bents two horses. 
Captayne Bents fifty pownds. 
Mr. lynes, senior, two horse. 
Sir Ch. Telverton, fower horse. 
Sir Jo. Evelyn two horse. 
Mr. Hungerford two horse. 
Sir W™ Playter two horse. 
Sir Thos. Jervoyse two horse. 
SirHen.WaUop} . ^, ^ 
Mr. Wallop ) «^«^* ^^"^ 
Mr. Whithed two horse. 
Mr. Campion one horse. 
Sir Jo. Pots one hundred pownds. 
Mr. George one horse. 
Mr. Dunch fower horse. 

It is somewhat remarkable, that there should be no per- 
fect or complete roll of the names of the members of the 
Long Parliament in existence. 

The best, undoubtedly (for it is almost the only one), 
is that constructed by Carlyle for his own use, in editing 
the CromiceU Letters and Speeches^ with the third edition 
of which work it was subsequently incorporated ; but even 
that, he admits, is most likely "not entirely free from 
error." Like all his works, however, it is little to say that 
it is accurate wherever accuracy is attainable ; and, what- 






64 THE BATTLE OF SEDGMOOK 

ever its imperfections, it will ever be found invaluable for 
reference. 

THE BATTLE OF SEOGMOOR, 1685. 

The Rev. Henry Alford in vol. x. p. 320 writes as fol- 
lows : — 

I think the following may be not without interest to your 
readers. I had occasion to consult the registers at Weston- 
Zoyland a few days since, and at the end of one of them 
found this memorandum : 

**Ann Account of the Ffighi that was in Laf^more, the Six of Jvfy 
1685, between the Kin^s Army and the D^ofM. 

<<The Iniadgement began between one And.two of the clock in the 
morning. It continued near one hoar and a halfe. There was kild 
upon the spott of the King's souldiers sixteen ; ffive of them buried 
in the churchyard, and they had all Christian bnriall. One hundred 
or more of the King's souldiers wounded ; of which wounds many 
died, of which wee have no certaine account There was kild of the 
rebels upon the spott aboute 300 ; hanged with us 22, of which 4 
weare hanged in Gemmarek ( ?). Aboute 500 prisoners brought into 
our church, of which there was 79 wounded, and 5 of them died of 
their wounds in our church. 

** The D. of M. beheaded, 
July 15, A. D. 1685." 

I also found, in the churchwardens* account for 1686, the 

following entries : 

£ 9. d. 

*\Item exp' upon the ringers the 6 of July in remem- 
brance of the great deliverance we had upon that day, 
in the year 1685 070 

It. p<i. Ben Page, John Keyser (&c. &c), for ringing 
when the King was in the more - - - - 5 

It. p<^ (&c. &c.) for taking up the glaxes ( ?) which was 
laid over brod ryne when the Bang was in the more 16 

It. p<i Ben Page for hailes used about the glaxes - - 8 

It. expended then in beere, and the next day when the 
King came through Culston - - - • -08 10 

It. p<i Richard Board for earring the glaxe down to brod 
ryae - - • - - - - • -010" 



JOHN ROSS MACKA Y. 66 

What the ^^ glaxe '* is, no one can tell me, nor is any such 
word known to the western people. 

One of our family, Richard Alford, was churchwarden in 
the year of the battle ; and there is a legend in the family, 
that he, being a Monmouthite, thereby saved himself by 
bringing out to a party of the king's soldiers a jug of cider, 
which had the king*s head on it, and thereby escaping 
question. 

It does not appear from Macaulay that the king visited 
Sedgmoor the year after the battle ; but from these entries 
it must have been so. 

I may add, that the old registers at Weston-Zoyland 
are unusually full and perfect, but most miserably kept at 
present, being tumbled into a large chest with rubbish ; 
and the parish book containing the above interesting entries 
is partly eaten by mice. 

JOHN BOSS IIACKAY. 

The following is a quotation from Sir N. W. Wraxall's 
Historical Memoirs of his Own Time^ 3rd edition. Speak- 
ing of the peace of Fontainbleau, he says, — 

*' John Boss Mackay, who had been private secretary to the Earl 
of Bute, and afterwards during seventeen years was treasurer of the 
ordnance, a man with whom I was personally acquainted, frequently 
avowed the fact. He lived to a very advanced age, sat in several 
parliaments, and only died, I believe, in 1796. A gentleman of high 
professional rank, and of unimpeached veracity, who is still alive, 
told me, that, dining at the late £arl of Besborough*s, in Cavendish 
Square, in the year 1790, where only four persons were present, in- 
cluding himself, Boss Mackay, who was one of the number, gave 
them the most ample information upon the subject Lord Besborough 
having called after dinner for a bottle of champagne, a wine to which 
Mackay was partial, and the conversation turning on the means of 
governing the House of Commons, Mackay said, that ' money formed, 
after all, the only eifectual and certain method.* * The peace of 1763,' 
continued he, *was carried through and approved by a pecuniary 
distribution. Nothing else could have surmounted the difficulty. I 
was myself the channel through which the money passed. With my 
own hand I secured above one hundred and twenty votes on that 

F 



66 THE STATE PRISON IN THE TOWER, 



most important quegtion to ministers. Eighty thousand pounds were 
set apart for the purpose. Forty members of the House of Commons 
received from me a thousand pounds each. To eighty others, I paid 
five hundred pounds apiece.* '' 



THE STATE PBISON IN THE TOWEB. 

The following communication was made by Mr. William 
Sydney Gibson of Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; — 

A paragraph has lately gone the round of the newspapers, 
in which, after mentioning the alterations recently made in 
the Beauchamp Tower and the opening of its *' written 
walls *' to public inspection, it is stated that this Tower was 
formerly the place of confinement for state prisoners, and 
that " Sir William Wallace and Queen Anne Boleyn " were 
amongst its inmates. 

Now I believe there is no historical authority for saying 
that " the Scottish hero " was ever confined in the Tower 
of London ; and it seems certain that the unfortunate queen 
was a prisoner in the royal apartments, which were in a dif- 
ferent part of the fortress. But so many illustrious persons 
are known to have been confined in the Beauchamp Tower, 
and its walls preserve so many curious inscriptions — the 
undoubted autographs of many of its unfortunate tenants — 
that it must always possess great interest. 

Speaking from memory, I cannot say whether the build- 
ing known as the Beauchamp (or Wakefield) Tower was 
even in existence in the time of Edward I. ; but my impres- 
sion is, that its architecture is not of so early a time. It is, 
J believe, supposed to derive its name from the confinement 
in it of Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in 1397. 
Of course it was not the only place of durance of state 
prisoners, but it was the prison of most of the victims of 
Tudor cruelty who were confined in the Tower of London ; 
and the walls of the principal chamber, which is on the first 
story, and was, until lately, used as a mess-room for the 
officers, are covered in some parts with those curious in- 
scriptions by prisoners which were first described in a 
jpaper read before the Society of Antiquaries in 1796, by 



THE STATE PRISON IN THE TOWER. 67 

the Key. J. Brand, and published in the thirteenth volume 
of The ArchaologicL. 

Mr. P. Cunningham, in his excellent Handbook, says : 

'* William Wallace was lodged as a priBoner on his first arrival in 
London in the hotiae of William de Leyre, a citizen, in the parish of 
All Hallows Staining, at the end of Fenchurch Street*' 

Mr. Cunningham, in his notice of the Tower, mentions 
Wallace first among the eminent persons who have be^n 
confined there. The popular accounts of the Tower do the 
like. It was about the Feast of the Assumption (Aug. 15) 
.that Wallace was taken and conducted to London ; and it 
seems clear that he was forthwith imprisoned in the citizens 
house: 

<*He was lodged,'* says Stow, ''in the house of William Delect, a 
citisen of London, in Fenchurch Street. On the morrow, being the 
eve of St. Bartholomew (23rd Aug.), he was brought on horseback 
to Westminster . . . the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen of London ac- 
companjing him ; and in the Great Hall at Westminster . . . being 
impeached," &c. 

The authorities cited are, Adam Merimuth and Thomas 
de La More. His arraignment and condemnation on the 
Vigil of St. Bartholomew are also mentioned by Matthew 
Westminster, p. 451. Neither these historians, nor Stow nor 
Holinshed, afford any farther information. The latter 
chronicler says that Wallace was " condemned, and there- 
upon hanged "(C'^^'^w*., fol., 1586, vol. iL p. 313.). He was 
executed at Smithfield ; and it is not improbable that, if, 
after his condemnation, he was taken to any place of safe 
custody, he was lodged in Newgate. The following entry 
of the expenses of the sheriffs attending his execution is 
on the Chancellor's ^RoU of 33 Edw. L in the British 
Museum: 

«* Et in expeni t miais fcis ^ eosd Vice*" jj Willo le Walleys Scoto 
laf^ne predone puplioo utlagato inimico et rebellione R qui in con- 
temptu H ft Scociam'se Begem Scocie falso fecftt nOiare t t minis- 
tree R in ^tibus Scocie intfecit atq. dux* excercitu hostilit contr* 
Bege p judicifl Cur I^ apud Westui dist'hendo suspendendo decol- 
lando ej viscera «oncremando ac ej corpus qMerando cnj cordis 

w2 



68 ATHELNET, 



quartia ad iiij majorea villas Scocie t'nsmittebantar hoc anno . . . 

The day of the trial, August 23, is generally given as the 
date of his execution. It therefore appears that the for- 
midable Scot never was a prisoner in the Tower. 

The unfortunate Queen Anne Boleyn occupied the royal 
apartments while she was a prisoner in the Tower. From 
Speed*8 narrative, it appears that she continued to occupy 
them after she was condemned to death. On May 15 
(1536) she was (says Stow) 

<* Arraigned in the Tower on a scaffold made for the purpose in tlie 
King's Hall ; and after her condemnation, she was conveyed to ward 
again, the Lady Kingston, and the Lady Boloigne her aunt, attend- 
ing on her." 

On May 19, the unfortunate queen was led forth to " the 
green by the White Tower " and beheaded. 

In the record of her trial before the Duke of Norfolk, 
Lord High Steward (see Report of Deputy Keeper of Public 
Records), she is ordered to be taken back to ^' the king's 
prison within the Tower ; " but these are words of form. 
The oral tradition cannot in this case be relied upon, for it 
pointed out the Martin Tower as the place of her imprison- 
ment because, as I believe, her name was found rudely in- 
scribed upon the wall. The Beauchamp Tower seems to 
have been named only because it was the ordinary state 
prison at the time. The narrative quoted by Speed shows, 
however, that the place of her imprisonment was the 
queen's lodging, where the fading honours of royalty still 
surrounded Anne Boleyn. 

ATHELNEY. 

On the Isle of Athelney in Somersetshire is a stone pillar, 
inclosed by an iron railing, designed to point the travel- 
ler's eye to the spot, so closely associated with his earliest 
historical studies, with the burnt cakes, the an^rry house- 
wife, and the castigated king. The pillar bears the follow- 
ing inscription: 



EXPENSES OF JOHN, KING OF FRANCE. 69 

** King Alfred the Great, in the year of oar Lord 879, having been 
defeated by the Danes, fled for refuge to the forest of Athelne}', 
where he lay concealed from his enemies for the space of a whole 
year. He soon after regained possession of his throne, and in grate- 
ful remembrance of the protection he had received, under the favour 
of Heaven, he erected a monastery on this spot and endowed it with 
all the lands contained in the Isle of Athelney. To perpetuate the 
memorial of so remarkable an incident in the life of that illustrious 
prince, this edifice was founded by John Slade, Esq., of Mansell, the 
proprietor of Athelney and Lord of the Manor of North Petherton, 
A. D. 1801." 



JOUBNAL OF THE EXPENSES OF JOHN, KING OF 
FRANCE, IN ENGLAND, 1359 — 60. 

The following note, signed W. M. R. E., appeared in vol. 
V. p. 506 : — 

Possibly some of the readers of" N.& Q." may remember 
that King John II. of France was taken prisoner by Edward 
the Black Prince at the battle of Poitiers, fought September 
20, 1356. If not, I would refer them to the delightful pages 
of old Froissart, where, in the version of Lord Berners, 
they will see chronicled at length, — 

** How Kyng John of Fraunce was taken prisoner at the Batayle 
of Poycters ; how the Englyshmen wan greatly thereat, and how 
the Prince conveyed the Frenche K^ng fro Burdeaux into Englande.'^ 

I am induced to bring under the notice of your readers 
a curious roll, containing one year's expenditure (July 1, 
1359, to July 8, 1360) incurred by the French king during 
his captivity in England. This important document has 
been very recently printed in the Comptes de FArgenteriet 
and edited from a MS. in the Biblioth^que Nationale by M 
Douet d*Arcq for the Societe de VHistoire de France. It 
may perhaps be well to state, that after the battle of Poitiers 
the heroic Prince Edward conducted his royal prisoner to 
Bordeaux, where he remained till the end of April, 1357. 
On the 24th of May following they both made their entry 
into London, "the Frenche Kynge mounted on a large 
whyte courser well aparelled, and the Prince on a lytell 

f3 



70 EXPENSES OF JOHN, KING OF FRANCE. 

blacke hobbey (haquenie) by bjm/* John was lodged at 
first at the Savoy Palace, but was removed shortly after- 
wards to Windsor Castle, at which place he was allowed to 
" go a huntynge and a haukynge at hys pleasure, and the 
lorde Phylyp his son with him." The document in ques- 
tion refers to the years 1359 and 1360, when the king was 
confined at Hertford Castle, at Somerton Castle in Lincoln- 
shire, and lastly in the Tower of London. As this docu- 
ment, which is so intimately connected with a favourite 
portion of our history, has, I believe, received no notice 
from any English journal, and as it moreover affords many 
valuable illustrations of domestic manners, and of the per- 
sonal character of the royal captive, I have made a few 
extracts from it for insertion in ^^ X. & Q.,** in the hope that 
they may prove interesting to the numerous readers of that 
useful and entertaining work. 

** Pigeotu. — A * varlet Anglois ' presents the king with < 2 paire 
de pijons blans,* and receives in reward 1 noble, value 6«. Sd. 

A dainty dish of Venkon and Whale, — Poor le marinier qui 
admena par mer, h Londres, venoisons et balainne pour le Koy, 4 
escuz. 

A present of Venison from Queen PhUippa, — Un varlet de la 
royne d'Angleterre qui asporta au Boy venoison que elle li envoioit, 
pour don, IBs. 4d, 

The Baker's BUI. — Jehan le boulenger, qui send de pain k Lon- 
dres le Roy, par 2 mois on environ, 5s, 2d, 

Sugar. — 32 livres de Sucre, k lOd, ob. livre=83». id, N, B, The 
grocer's bills for spiceries * confitures et sucreries * are very numerous. 

Hon^, — Miel, 3 galons et demi, IGd, le galon =4«. Sd, 

The King's Breviary, —CUment, Clerk of the Chapel, is paid 6d. 
for a * chemise au Breviaire du Boy.' 

Do Missal, — Jassin, pour cendal h doubler la couverture du Mes- 
sal du Bov, et pour doubler et broder ycelle avecques la soie qui y 
convenoit, ISs, 5dL ■« Li, pour 2 clos d'argent k mettre audit livre, 4^. 

Do, Psalter, — Jehan, !le libraire de Lincole [Lincoln,] pocer 1 petit 
Sautier achet^ pour le Boy, 6s. Sd, 

Romances, — Tassin, pour 1 Romans de Renart [a burlesque poem, 
by Perrot de Saint Cloot or Saint-Cloud?] achet^ par li, k Lincole, 
pour le Boy, 4es. 4d. — Maistre Guillaume Bacine, pour un Romans 
du Lohersnc Garin [a metrical romance, by Jehan de Flagy] 
achet^ par li pour le Boy, et de son comandement, 6s, Sd. — 



EXPENSES OF JOHN, KING OF FRANCE. 71 

Li, pour 1 autre Romans du Toumoiement (TAntecritt [a poem, by 
Huon de M^ry], 10».* 

ParakmenL — Wile, le parcheminier de Lincoln, pour une don- 
zainne de parchemin, 3«. 

Paper and Ink, — 5 quaiers de papier, 3«. AdL Pour encre. Ad, 

Sealing Wax. — Une livre de dre rermeille, lOdL 

(^ess-board. — Jehan Perrot, qui apporta au Roy, 1 instrumeut 
appell^ reschequier, qu'il avoit fait, le Roy d'Angleterre avoit donn^ 
au Roy, et li envoioit par ledit Jean, pour don k 11 fiut, 20 noble8=6^ 
lSs.4d. 

Organs. — Maiatre Jehan, Porganier, pour appareiller lea orgues du 
Roy : — Pour 1 homme qui souffla par 8 jours, ISd, &c. Pour tout, 
5Bt. 

Harp. — Le roy dee menestereulx, pour une harpe achate du com- 
mandement du Roy, ld«. id. 

Clock. — Le roy des menestereulx, aur la fa^on de Pauloge 
(horloge) qu'il fait pour le Roy, 17 nobles, valent 113«. 4dL 

Leadur Bottk$. — Pour 2 boteilles de cuir achet^ k Londres pour 
Monseigneur Philippe, 9«. 8cf. 

Knxeea. — Pour 1 paire de coustiaux pour le Roy, 2& 

Gloves. — Pour fourrer 2 paires de gans, X2d, 

Shoes. — Pour 12 paires de solers (souliers) pour le Roy, Is. 

Carpenter^s Bill for unndows of the Kn^s Prison in the Tower. — 
Denys le Lombart, de Londres, charpentier, pour la fa^on de 4 fenestres 
pour la chambre du Roy en la Tour de Londres. C'est assavoir : pour 
le bois des 4 chdssis, ds. 2d. Item, pour cloux, 2s. 2d. Item, pour 
une peau de cuir, bd. Item, pour 6 livres et demie de terbentine, 4s, 
4d. Item, pour oile, Bd. Item, pour 7 aunes et demie de toile, 9s. 
4d, Item, poor toute la fa^on de dictes fenestres, lOs, Pour tout, 
29s. Sd. 

Saddle. — Godefroy le sellier, pour une selle dor^ pour le Roy, 
eatofFi^ de sengles et de tout le hemois, 41. 

Mbuirels. — Le Roy des menestreulx pour don fait k li par le Roy 
pour qu^rir ses necessitez, 4 escuz=13«. 4d. Les menestereulx du 
Roy d'Angleterre, du Prince de Gales et du Due de Lencastre, qui 
firent mestier devant le Roy, 40 nobles, valent 13/. 6«. Sd. Un mene- 
atrel qui joua d'un chien et d'un singe devant le Roy qui aloit aus 
champs ce jour, 8«. 4d» 



* Among the Royal MSS. in the British Museum is Guiart des 
Monlin's translation of Pet Comestor's Historia Scholastica, which 
was found in the tent of John at the battle of Poitiers. (Vide War- 
ton's Eng, Poetry, vol. I p. 90.) 

f4 



PUVBV 



72 PUNISHMENT OF EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES, 



Uoms m tkt Tower, — Le garde des lions da Koy d'Angleteire, 
poar don k li fidt par le Roy qoi ala yecur lesdiz lions, 3 noble8=20&. 

Vinl to Qiieai PkUiqjptL. — Un batelier de Londres qui mena le 
Koy et ancon de ses genz d'emprts le pont de Londres jnsqaes k 
Westmontier, devers la Royne d'Angleterre, que le Koy ala veoir, et 
y sonppa ; et le ramoia ledit batelier. Poor ce, 3 nobles— 20«. 

Dhmer wiA Edward HI. — Les bateliers qui men^rent, en 2 
barges, le Koy et ses genz k Westmonster, ce jour qa'il disna avec le 
Roy d'Angleterre, 66s. 8dL 

A Row on the River Thames. — Plnsiears bateliers de Londres qoi 
men^rent le Koy esbatre k Ride-Ride [Kedriff aHas Kotherhitbe?] et 
aillears, par la rivi^ de Tamise, poor don fait k eulx, 8 nobles, 
valent 53s. 8d. 

The Kin^t great Ship. — Les oavriers de la grant nef da Koy 
d'Angleterre, qae le Koy ala yeoir en yenant d'esbatre des champs, 
poor don k ealx fait, d3s. Ad. 

A CUmbing Feat on Dover Hieights. — Un homme de Doayre, appel^ 
le Ran^peur, qui rampa deyant le Koy contremont la rocbe deyant 
Tennitage de Doayre, pour don, &c., 5 nobles^SSs. Ad. 

Presents. — At Dover on Jaly 6th, 1360, John dined at the Castle 
with the Black Prince, when an * esqnire ' of the King of Eng- 
land brought to the King of France ' le propre gobelet k qnoy 
ledit Roy d'Angleterre buvoit, que il li enyoioit en don ; * and the 
French King sent Edward as a present *le propre henapkquoyil 
bayoit, qui fu Monseigneur St. Loys.* N.B. This hanap was a 
famous drinking cup which had belonged to St. Louis. 

Newgate Prisoners. — Pour aumosne faits k eulx, 66«. Sd. 

Pembroke PaJace. — Un yarlet qui garde i'ostel Madame de Panne- 
broc' [ Marie de Saint Pol, Countess of Pembroke] k Londres, oti le 
Koy fist petit disner ce jour, 2 nobIes=13s. Ad. 

Jlorse-dealing. — Lite Wace, Marchant de cheyaux, pour 1 corsier 
achet^ de li pour le Koy, 60 noble8=20/. 

Cock-fighting.-' Jacques de la Sausserie, pour 1 coc achet^ da 
commandement Mons. Philippe k fairejoaster,2«. 8d" 

PUNISHMENT OF EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES, BY KING 
EDWARD I., FOR DISRESPECT TO A JUDGE. 

Mr. William Sidney Gibson, vol. iv. p. 338, writes with 
roference to the occurrence : — 

Mr. Fo88 has lately shown, in his valuable lives of The 
Jnrigfa of England^ that historical accuracy has been sacri- 
iloud in representing Henry Y., on his accession, to have 



FOR DISRESPECT TO A JUDGE. 73 

re-invested Sir William Gascoigne with ^ the balance and 
the sword.** Lord Campbell, warned that chroniclers, his- 
torians, moralists, and poets had, without historical warrant, 
taken for true the story which Shakspeare has made so 
familiar to us, has, in his Lives of the Chief Justices^ ex- 
amined the eyidence for attributing to the young king this 
act of magnanimity, and has affirmed (vol. i. p. 131) not 
only that Sir William committed the prince, but that he 
actually filled the office of Chief Justice under him when 
he became Henry Y. The noble and learned lord has 
been at some pains to authenticate the story of the com- 
mittal of the prince, and has shown that there is no suffi- 
cient reason for disbelieving that the dauntless judge did 
make " princely power submit ** to justice ; and he has 
brought forward also the probable sources of Shakspeare*s 
information. But these are silent as to the reinstatement 
of the illustrious judge ; and Mr. Foss has established that 
the young king lost no time in dispensing with the *' well- 
practised wise directions *' of Sir William Gascoigne. One 
is really sorry to be obliged to relinquish belief in the his- 
torical foundation of the scene to which Shakspeare has 
given such fine dramatic effect in his noble lines. My 
object, however, in now writing is to point out a circum- 
stance in some respects parallel, which occuiTed in the reign 
of Edward 1. In lookina^ through the Ahhremaiio PlacitO' 
rum^ I find the record of a judgment in Michaelmas Term, 
33 Edw. I. (1305), in which a curious illustration is given 
of the character of that sovereign ; for it appears that 
Edward Prince of Wales having spoken words insulting to 
one of the king*s ministers (when and to whom I wish I 
could ascertain), the monarch himself firmly vindicated the 
respect due to the royal dignity in the person of its servants, 
by banishing the prince from his house and presence for a 
considerable time. This anecdote occurs in the record of a 
complaint made to the king in council, by Roger de Hecham 
(in Madox the name occurs as Hegham or Heigham), a 
Baron of the Exchequer, of gross and upbraiding language 
having been contemptuously addressed to him by William 



74 PUNISH3aSNT OF EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES, 

de Brewes, because of his judgment in favour of the de- 
linquent's adversary; The record recites that such con- 
tempt and disrespect towards as well the king*s ministers as 
himself or his courts are very odious to the king, and pro- 
ceeds .-I—, but I will give the original : 

** Que quidem (videlicet) contemptus et inobedienda tam ministris 
ipsius Domini Regi quam sibi ipsi aat cur* anm facta ipsi Regi valde 
sunt odiosa, et hoc expresae ouper apparait idem I>n8 Rex filliim 
Buam primogenitum et caxissimam Edwardom Principem WaUie p 
00 quod qnedam verba grossa et acerba cuidam ministro suo dixerat, 
ab hoapicio suo hn p dimid ann' amovit, nee ipsum filium suom in 
conspeota suo venire jitmisit quousq dicto ministro de pdicta trans- 
gress* satisfecerat £t quia sicut honor et reverencia qui ministris 
ipsius Dni Regi ratione ofiGicii sui fiunt ipsi Regi attribuuntur sic 
dedecus et contemptus ministris snis facta eidem Dno Regi infe- 
runtur." 

And accordingly the said William de Brewes was adjudged 
to go in full court in Westminster Hall, and ask pardon of 
the judge whom he had insulted ; and for the contempt done 
to the king and his court was then to stand committed to 
the Tower, there to remain during the king's pleasure. 
{Ahb, Plac, lib. impres. p. 257.) 

Roger de Hegham occurs as a Baron of the Exchequer 
in 26 £dw. I., and died 2 Edw. II. (Madox, ii. 58.) 

This produced the following communication from Mr. 
Joseph Burtt : — 

I think considerable light is thrown upon this very re- 
markable incident by a letter of the prince himself to the 
Earl of Lincoln, dated Midhurst, June 14, which appears 
upon the Roll of that prince's letters lately discovered at 
the Chapter House, Westminster. (See Ninth Report of the 
Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, App. IL, No. 5.) 
This letter has been printed in a paper by Mr. Blaauw in 
one of the volumes of the Sussex ArchsBological Society. 
For such of your readers as may not have either of these 
books at command, I will give the material part of the 
letter, translated : 

** On Sunday, the 13th of June, we came to Midhurst, where we 



FOR DISRESPECT TO A JUDGE. 76 

ftmnd the lord the king, oar father; the Monday following, on ac- 
count of certain words which, it had been reported to the king, had 
taken place between u» aaad the Bithap of Che^er^ he was bo enraged 
with us that he has forbidden us, or any of our retinue, to dare to 
enter his house ; and he has forbidden all the people of his household 
and of the exchequer to give or lend us anything for the supporTof 
our household. We are staying at Midhurst to wait his pleasure 
and favour, and we shall follow after him as well as we are able, at 
a distance of ten or twelve miles from his house, until we have been 
able to recover his good will, which we veiy much desire." 

The Roll contains several letters which show how seriously 
the prince was affected by his father^s displeasure, and how 
the king was appeased. 

By the letter above quoted, the ^ minister ** appears to 
have been the Bishop of Chester, then treasurer of the 
royal household. But the connexion between the princess 
case and that of William de Brewosa does not appear, un- 
less they were on intimate terms, as is not improbable : and 
the punishment of the prince himself is, in my opinion, re- 
ferred to as a precedent or justification of the punishment 
imposed upon Brewes. That the severe punishment so 
imposed was richly deserved none can doubt who has read 
the report on the Roll. 

To return to the princess offence and punishment. He 
appears to have been nearly starved into submission, as the 
royal prohibition against supplying him with articles or 
money was obliged to be removed by a Letter Close 
directed to all the sheriffs, dated Ospring, 22nd July. 

The whole transaction is highly characteristic of the 
firmness of the king. Whether the prince's letters which I 
have referred to make out a case of harshness^ as regards 
some other circumstances, I will not now trouble you with. 
But while examining ootemporary documents illustrative 
of the prince and his correspondents, I met with an entry 
upon the Close Roll (33 Edw. I.) too strikingly illustrative 
of the determination and caution of Edward I. to be allowed 
to remun in its present obscurity. 

On the 27th November the prince addressed a letter to 



76 PUNISHMENT OF EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES, 

Master Grerard de Fecoraria, earnestly begging him to 
favour and forward the affairs of Ralph de Boldok, then 
Bishop Elect of London. The '' affairs ** in question were 
the removal of certain scruples instilled into the Papal ear 
against the approval of the bishop elect ; a matter gene- 
rally involving some diplomacy and much money. Master 
Gerard was employed by the Pope to collect various dues 
in England; and so his good will was worth obtaining. 
But the following Letter Close will show how he received 
his " quietus/* as far as the King of England was con- 
cerned : 

<* The King to Ralph de Sandwich. — By reason of the excessive 
and indecent presumption with which Gerard de Fecoraria is making 
oppressive levies and collections of money in various places; by 
whose authority we know not, for he will not show it ; and inasmuch 
as the same is highly derogatory to our crown, and injurious to our 
people, and many complaints have been made against him on that 
account ; We command you to take the said Grerard before the Mayor 
and Sheriffs of London, and there warn him to cease from making the 
said levies, and to quit the kingdom in six days, provided that at such 
warning no public notary be prnent, to t?uzt the warning be given to the 
said Gerard ahnCf no one else hearing. And be you ccwefulthat no one 
but yourself eee this letter, or get a copy ^lereof." 

Who can doubt that such a mandate was strictly carried 
out? 

I regret that my memoranda do not preserve the original 
language. 

And also the following from R. S. V. P. : — 

Mr. Gibson will find that this story, as well as that re- 
lative to Sir William Gascoigne, is also told by Mr. Foss 
(Judges of England^ vol. iii. pp. 43, 261), who suggests 
that the offence committed by Prince Edward was an insult 
to Walter de Langton, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry*, 



* The Bishop of Chester and the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry 
is one and the same person, — the two bishoprics being identical, and 
almost as often called by one name as the other. 



i 



BATTLE OF BRUNANBTfRGH. 77 

occasioned probably by the boldness with which that pre- 
late, while treasurer, corrected the insolence of Peter de 
Gaveston, and restrained the Princess extravagance. 

BATTLE OF BBUNANBUBGH. 

The following note was communicated by Dr. John 
Thurnam, vol. iv. p. 249: — 

It is remarkable that the site of this great battle, the 
effects of which were so important to the Anglo-Saxon 
power, remains to this day undetermined. 

The several chroniclers who describe it give various 
names to the locality, though modem authors generally 
adopt the name of Brunanburgh, or ** Town of the Foun- 
tains.*' Not however to insist on such variations in the 
name as Brunandune, Bruneberik, Bruneford, and Brumby, 
Simeon of Durham describes the battle as occurring at a 
place named Wendune, otherwise Weondune, to which 
moreover he assigns the further name of Ethrunnanwerch. 
The locality has been sought for in most improbable places, 
— in Northumberland and Cheshire. There can, however, 
be little or no doubt that this Waterloo of the Anglo- 
Saxons, as it has been called, is really to be found in the 
inmiediate neighbourhood of the Humber ; thodgh, whether 
on the northern or southern bank of that river seems quite 
uncertain : so far at least as the evidence hitherto adduced 
affords us the means of judging. In the Winchester volume 
of the British Archaeological Association, Mr. Hesleden 
states his belief that he has traced the site of this battle on 
the south of the Humber, near Barton in Lincolnshire ; but 
the evidence on which he grounds this opinion, whilst de- 
manding for this locality further consideration, seems to me 
far irom conclusive. Mr. Hesleden describes some curious 
earth-works in this situation, and thinks he has discovered 
the site of Anlaff*s camp at Barrow, and that of Athelstan 
at Bumham (formerly, as he informs us, written " Brun- 
num"), where is an eminence called ** Black Hold,'* which 
he thinks was the actual seat of the battle. At Barrow are 



78 BATTLE OF BRUNANBURGH. 

- , ■ ■■ ■ — ■ « .. — ■■■ 

places called ** Barrow Bogs'" and " Blow WeUs."* Does 
Mr. Hesleden think we have here any reference to the 
^^ fountains** giving their name to Brunanburgh ? 

It is very desirable, in a topographical and historical 
point of view, that the site of this remarkable contest be- 
tween the Anglo-Saxons and the allied Scandinavians and 
British regvli under Anlaff, should be determined on sa- 
tisfactory data; and the allusion to it by Mr. Hesleden, 
in a recent communication to ''N. & Q.*' (vol. iv. p. 180), 
induces me to call the attention of your readers, and of 
that gentleman in particular, to some mention of this 
battle, topographically not unimportant, which is to be 
found in Egil's Saga ; the hero of which was himself a com- 
batant at Brunanburgh, under the standard of Athelstan, 
and which appears to have escaped the observation of those 
who have discussed the probable site of this deadly en- 
counter. The circumstantial account to be found in the 
Saga^ chap. Hi. and liu., has not been overlooked by Sharon 
Turner, who however does not quote the passages having a 
special topographical interest. It is remarkable that the 
name of Wendune, for which among Anglo-Saxon writers 
there appears the single authority of Simeon of Durham, is 
confirmed by the testimony of the Saga : at least there can 
be little doubt, that the Vinheida of the Sc^a is but a 
Norse form for the Wendun or Weondune of the Anglo- 
Saxon chronicler. The natural and other features of 'the 
locality are not neglected by the author of the Saga^ who 
describes it as a wild and uncultivated spot, surrounded by 
woods, having the town of Vinheida not far distant on the 
north. These particulars I take from the Latin of the 
Saga ; but the reader of the Icelandic would possibly find 
more minute characteristics, which may have been lost in 
the process of translation. As, by his residence in the 
neighbourhood, Mr. Hesleden is favourably situated for 
the further prosecution of this inquiry, I should be glad to 
find whether his conclusion as to the site of the battle re- 
ceived confirmation, or otherwise, from the passages of the 
Saga to which I have now ventured to direct attention. 



BATTLE OF BRUNANBURGH, 79 

I may here observe, that if we consider the situation of 
Jorvikj or York, the capital of the then Norse kingdom of 
Northumbria, we shall perhaps conclude that it was on the 
Yorkshire rather than on the Lincolnshire side of the 
Humber, that — 

** Athelstan, king, 

of earls the Lord, 

of heroes the bracelet-g^ver, 

And his brother eke, 

Edmnnd etheling, 

life-long-glory, 

in battle won 

with edges of swords 

near Brumby." 

This conclusion is to some extent confirmed, when we 
connect with the above the tradition or historical fact, 
whichever we regard it, that it was after this battle that 
.Athelstan, in redemption of a previous vow, made various 
costly offerings on the altar of St John of fieverley, and 
endowed that church with great privileges, the memory of 
which exists to the present day. It must however be ad- 
mitted, that such a presumption is anything but conclusive 
in regard to a topographical question of this description. 
In conclusion, I would suggest that the Domesday Book 
for Yorkshire and Lincolnshire should be carefully ex- 
amined, in order to ascertain whether the place in question, 
under any of the names assigned to it, is there to be 
found. 

A. N. writes as follows on this subject : — 
The SgiU Saga describes the duel between the armies 
of Olaf and Athelstan to have been fought in a champ chs, 
inclosed with branches of hazel, upon a space called the 
Yinheidi, or Acu/t of Vin^ situate near (vid) or in (k) the Vin- 
skogr, or forest of Yin. Heidi is a rough open space, with 
scrubs or bushes, such as furze, juniper, broom, &c. The 
heidi and the skogr were distinct, the latter affording shel- 
ter to the fugitives from the former, p. 290. The text, 



80 LETTER FROM HENRY VIIL TO JAMES F. 

both Norse and Latin, says, "• Then he brought his army to 
the Yin-heidi. A certain town stood towards the north of 
the heidL" But a various reading in the note says, *^ to 
the town of Yinheidi, which was to the north of the heidi." 
But it seems as unreasonable for the town to be called 
Yinheidi, as Yinskogr. Vin should be taken for the name 
of the town, and the root of the other phrases. The downs 
or brakes called Yinheidi were inclosed with hazel, and lay 
between the forest, or skogr, and some river. The town, 
being Olars head -quarters, lay north of them. Athelstan 
occupied the nearest town to the south of the heidi. 
[Query, whether south of the river?] The northern 
town Yin is no doubt the Weon, from which the Weon- 
dune (downs of Weon, or heidi of Yin) was called. The 
other name given by Simeon Dunelmensis to that space is 
curious, as showing how well the spot was adapted for at- 
tack and pursuit, " eth-runnan-werc," that is, " facilis-ad- 
opus-currendi." The name Brunanburg, probably signi- 
fying " the town of bourns," or watercourses, is unequi- 
vocally that of a town. Since Olaf or Arlaf had his quarters 
at Yin, it was probably at that place where Athelstan was 
stationed. Find these two places, Yin the northernmost 
of the two, and find the river. The heidi and the skogr 
are probably grubbed and ploughed up. 



INEDITED LETTEB FROM HENRY YIH. OP ENGLAND 
TO JAMES V, OP SCOTLAND. 

The following was communicated by Mr. Thomas 
Nimmo : — 

I lately transcribed several very interesting original 
manuscripts, chiefly of the seventeenth century, but some 
of an earlier date, and now send you a literal specimen of 
one evidently belonging to the sixteenth century ; although, 
notwithstanding the day of the month is given, the year is 
not. If you think it worthy of a place in your very ex- 
noiionf nublication, you are quite at liberty to make use of 



LETTER FROM EENRT VIIL TO JAMES V. 81 

it, and I shall be happy to send you some of the others, if 
yon choose to accept them. They chiefly relate to the 
period when the Duke of Lauderdale was commissioner 
for Scotch affairs at the English Court ; and one appears 
to be a letter addressed by the members of the Scottish 
College at Paris to James I. on the death of his mother. 

Bight excellent right high and mighty prince, our most 
dereste brother and nephew, we recommende us unto you 
in our most hertee and aflectuous maner by this berer, 
your familyar servitor, David Wood. We have not only 
recey ved your most loving and kinde let' declaring how 
moch ye tendre and regarde the conservation and mayn- 
tennance of good amytie betwene us, roted and grounded 
as well in proximitie of blood as in the good offices, actes, 
and doyngs shewed in our partie, whiche ye to our greate 
comforte afferme and confesse to be daylly more and more 
in your consideration and remembraunce (but also two caste 
of fair haukes, whiche presented in your name and sent by 
youe we take in most thankfull parte), and give youe our 
most hertie thanks for the same, taking greate comforte 
and consolacion to perceyve and understande by your said 
letters, and the credence comitted to your said familyar 
servitor, David Wood, which we have redd and considered 
(and also send unto youe with these our letters answer 
unto the same) that ye like a good and uertuous prince, 
have somoche to herte and mynde the good rule and order 
uppon the borders (with redresse and reformacion of such 
attemptats as have been comytted and done in the same), 
not doubting but if ye for your partie as we intende for 
ours (doe effectually persiste and contynue in so good and 
uertuose purpose and intente), not only our realmes and 
subjectts, shall Hue quyetly and peasably without occasion 
of breche,but aL*o we their heddes and gouemors shall so en-* 
crease and augment our syncere love and afiecon as shall 
be to the indissoluble assurammente of good peace and 
suretie to the inestimable benefit, wealth, and comoditie of 
118 our realmes and subjectts hereafter, 

Q 



82 DIVORCE OF ANNE OF CLEVE8, 



Right excellent right high and mightie prynce, our most 
derest brother and nephew, the blessed Trynytie have you 
in his government. 

Given under our signet at Yorke place besides Westmin* 
ster, the 7th day of December. 

Your levying brother and uncle, 

HbwetVIII. 

This letter, which is not included in the State Papers^ 
" King Henry VIII.," published by the Record Commis- 
sioners, was probably written on the 7th December, 1 524- 
25, as in the fourth volume of that collection is a letter 
from Magnus to Wolsey, in which he says, p. 301 ; *' Davy 
Wood came hoome about the same tyme, and sithenne his 
hider comming hath doone, and continually dooth myche 
good, making honourable reaport not oonly to the Queues 
Grace, but also to all other. He is worthy thanks and gra- 
merces." This David Wod, or Wood, was a servant of the 
queen, Margaret of Scotland. 

HBNBT Vin.'S DIVORCE FROM ANNE OF OLEVES. 

The following commission, issued by Henry VLLl. before 
his divorce from Anne of Cleves, has never, we believe been 
printed. There is a copy of it among the Cotton MSS., 
much injured by the fire ; but the original is enrolled on 
Patent Roll 32 Henry VIH., p. 7 m. (34) t« dorso. The 
Privy Seal Bill on which it was framed is also in the Rolls 
Chapel : 

*< Pro Bege.'\ Rex Archiepiscopis Cantnariensii et Eboracenni ac 
ceteris regni nostri Angliaa Episcopis, Decanis, Archidiaconis, et nni- 
verso Clero, salutem. Egerant apad nos regni nostri proceres et 
populos, ut, cnm nnper qusedam emerserant, qnse, nt illi putant, ad 
nos regnique nostri successionem pertineant, inter quae prsecipua est 
causa et condicio matrimonij quod cum illustri et nobili femlna do- 
mina Anna Clivensi propter externam quidem conjugij speciem per- 
plexum, alioqui eciam multis et variis modis ambiguum vident ; Nos 
ad ejusdem matrimonij disqulsicionem ita procedere dignaremur ut 



LISTS OF ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS. S3 

opinionem vestram qui in ecclesia nostra Anglicana sdendara yerbi 
Dei et doctrinam profitemini, exqoiramus vobisqne discndendi aac- 
toritatem ita demandemns at si animis vestris faerit persoasam ma- 
trimonium cnm prsefata domima Anna minime consistere ant coherere 
debere, Kos ad matrimoniam contrahendum cum alia liberos esse 
vestro primum ac reliqiuB deinde ecdesise saffragio prononcietnr et 
confirmetar. Nos antem, qui vestram in reliquis ecclesisB hujas An- 
glicaniB negociis gravioribos, qnss ecclesiasticam CBConomiam et reli- 
g^onem spectent, judiciam amplecti solemos, ad veritatis ezplicandaa 
testimonium omnino necessarium rati sumus caussB hujos matrimo- 
nialis seriem et circamstancias vobis exponi et commonicari curare, 
ut quod yos pier Dei leges licere decreTeritis,id demum, todus ecclesiaa 
nostrsB auctoritate innixi, lidte facere et exequi publico audeamus ; 
YOS itaque conyocari et in synodum uniyensalem nostra auctoritate 
oonvenire volentes, yobis conjunctim et diyisim committimus atqne 
mandamus, at inspecta negocij hujos yeritate, ac solam Deum prss 
ocnlis habentes, quod yemm, quod justum, quod honestum, quod 
sanctum est, id nobis de communi consilio scripto authentico renun- 
cietis, et de communi consensu licere difElniatis : Nempe unnm hoc a 
yobis nostro jure postulamus ut tamqnam fida et proba eoclesisB mem- 
bra causffi huic ecclesiasticsB qnse maxima est, in justicia et yeritate 
adesse yelitis, et eam maturime juxta Commissionem yobis in hac 
parte factam absolyere et expedire. In cujus rei, etc. Teste Bege 
apud Westmonasterium. y) die Julij.'* 



ASE OUR LISTS OF ENGLISH SOTEBEIGNS COMPLETE ? 

The following communication from J. J. S. appeared in 
Tol. V. p. 28 : — 

It must have often occurred to students of English history 
that the current and usual lists of English soyereigns some- 
what arbitrarily reject all mention of some who, though for 
short periods, haye enjoyed the regal position and power in 
this country. There will at once occur to every reader the 
names (first) of the Empress Maud, who, in a charter, dated 
Oxford in 1141, styled herself* Matilda Imperatriz, Henrici 
regis filia, et Anglorum Domina;** (secondly) the young 
King Henry, the crowned son of Henry II : and (thirdly) 
Lady Jane Grey, who, in a few public and private docu- 
ments, is cited as " Jane, Queen of England, Domina Jana, 
X)ei Gratia Anglise, Francise et Hibernise Regina," &c. 

o 2 



84 LIST OF ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS. 

I am desirous now of calling the attention of your histo- 
rical readers to the second case, my attention to the subject 
having been speciidly directed thereto by recently consult- 
ing the Chronicon Petroburgerue (edited for the Camden 
Society by Mr. Stapleton), in which occur various notices 
of Henry, the crowned son of Henry II., as Henry ///. I 
beg to quote these passages. Under the year mclxix. the 
chronicler records that — 

*'Hic fecit Henricus Bex coronare filinm Bunm ab arcfaiepiscopo 
Eboram." 

Sir Harris Kieholas, in his Chronology of History^ states 
that he was crowned on Sunday the 14th June, 1170. Bene- 
dictus Albus Roger, of Wendover, (Flowers of History,^ 
says that *^ a d. 1170, on the 13th of July," the king's eldest 
son was crowned by Roger, Archbishop of York. 

His wife, Marguerite of France, was also afterwards 
crowned in England, in consequence of her father's com- 
plaint that she had not been included in the former corona- 
tion of her husband, Henry the younger (Rex Henricus 
junior), as he was commonly styled in this country ; li reys 
Josves in the Norman language, and lo reis Joves in the 
dialect of the southern provinces of France. He himself 
afterwards assumed the title of Henry III, regarding his 
father as virtually, dead, owing to the fond, but thoughtless, 
assertion of his indulgent sire, at the period of the son's 
coronation, that " from that day forward the royalty ceased 
to belong to him," — " se regem non esse protestAri." ( Ft/. 
B, ThomtB^ lib. ii. cap. 31.) 

The Chronicon Petroburgense^ agfdn, under the year 1183, 
records the death of the younger king in these words, *' Obiit 
Henricus tertius rex, filius Henrici regis ; " and afterwards 
notices the monarch usually styled Henry ///. as " Henricus 
rex iiii**"," Henry IV. Sir Harris Nicolas says, that 
Henry the younger is also ^called by ehroniclers Henry 

It is a curious point, because such a distinction must 
often surely have been made in the days of the jointly 



LIST OF ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS, 85 

— — ^ ■ _ ■ — 

reigning Henrys, and immediately after that time. The 
father and son certainly seemed to have been regarded as 
for years jointly reigning. For example, Roger of Wen- 
dover records that, in 1 175, William of Scotland declared 
himself the liegeman of Henry, for the kingdom of Scotland 
and all his domains, and did homage and allegiance to him 
as his especial lord, " and to Henry the king's son, saving his 
faith to his father.'* In the following year both went 
through England, "promising justice to every one, both 
clergy and laity, which promise they afterwards fully per- 
formed." (Roger of Wendover.) Surely, then, for distinc- 
tion sake, if not as a matter of right and custom, the younger 
Henry should have been always styled Henry UI. ; and if 
so, while he (not to mention the Empress Maud and Queen 
Jane} shall remain excluded, therefore, may I not again 
with some show of reason ask, are our lists of English sove- 
reigns complete ? 

Mr. John Gough Nichols, vol. v. p. 113, writes as fol- 
lows : — 

The principal reason why the names of the Empress 
Matilda, King Henry junior, and Queen Jane (Grey or 
Dudley), are not inserted in the lists of English sovereigns, 
as J. J. S. suggests they should be, arises from the fact of 
the periods of their supposed reigns being concurrent with 
those of other monarchs, and our constitution recosnisinsr 
one only at a time. The name of Queen Jane has, how- 
ever, found a place in some recent lists : following that 
given in Sir Harris Nicolas's Chronology of History (edit. 
1833, p. 330), where he states that her nominal reign ex- 
tended from the 6th to the 17th July, 1553. Appended 
to The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary (printed 
for the Camden Society), I have given a list of all the 
public documents or state papers known to be extant 
which bear date in the reign of Queen Jane, and the last 
is a letter of the Privy Council to Lord Rich, dated the 
19th July ; this extends the period two days longer than 
in the Chronology of History, and was certainly the last 

public document that recognised Jane's authority. Only 

o 3 



86 MART QUEEN OF SCOTS. 

one private document so dated has been discovered. It is 
a deed relating to the parish of St. Dun8tan*8 in Kent 
(dated fifteenth July), which was communicated by Mr. 
Hunter to the Retrospective Review, N. S. vol. i. p. 505. 
But anactof parliament of the 1st March, 1553-4, legalised 
all documents that might be so dat«d from the 6th of July 
to the last day of the same month (Nicolas, p. 316). 
Among our historians, Heylin, in his History of the Refor* 
maiion, has apportioned a distinct division of his narrative 
to '' The Reign of Queen Jane." 

REGIMENTAL COLOURS BURNT BY THE COMMON 

HANOMAN. 

** Fourteen rebel colours taken at Culloden were brought to Edin- 
burgh on the Slst of May (1746), and lodged in the Castle. On 
Wednesday the 4th of June, at noon, they were brought down to the 
Cross, the Pretender's own standard carried by the hangman, and 
the rest by chimney-sweepers, escorted by a detachment of Lee's 
regiment. The sheriffs, attended by the heralds, pursevants, trum- 
pets, city constables, &c., and escorted by the city guard, walked out 
from the parliament-close to the Cross, where proclamation was made 
by the eldest herald, that the colours belonging to the rebels were 
ordered by the Duke (of Camberland) to be burnt by the bands of 
the common hangman. The Pretender*s own standard was then put 
into a fire prepared for the purpose, and afterwards all the rest one'by 
one, a herdd always proclaiming to whom each belonged, the trum- 
pets sounding, and the populace, of which there was a great number 
assembled, huzzaing. A fifteenth standard was burnt at Edinburgh 
with like solemnity, and another at Glasgow on the 25th. We 
have not heard that the device of a crown and a coffin, or the motto 
* Tandem Triumphans,' was upon any of these, and it is doubted if 
ever there was any such standard, though it was currently so re- 
ported."— Scot^ Magazine for June, 1746, vol. viil. p. 288. 

Vol. z. p. 343. 

MART QUEEN OF SCOTS — HER M0NX7MENT AND HEAD. 

There is in Grose^s Antiquarian Repertory, second edition, 
vol. iii. p. 388, an account of a monument which was for- 
merly to be seen in the Church of St. Andrew, at Antwerp, 



MART QUEEN OF SCOTS, 87 

to the memory of Mary Queen of Scots ; and it is therein 
related, on the authority of " an ancient MS.,** shown to 
the author by "" a Flemish gentleman of consequence and 
learning,** that two of Mary's attendant ladies, named Bar- 
bara Mowbray and Elizabeth Curie, buried the head of 
their unfortunate mistress there, having been permitted, on 
leaving England after her execution, to carry her head with 
them. 

The following communications appeared in vol. ▼. p. 517, 
in answer to a query as to the truth of this strange story : — 

" The monument to Mary Queen of Scots is still in 
existence ; and consists of a richly ornamented slab placed 
at a considerable height from the pavement, against a pillar 
in the southern transept of the Church of St. Andrew. T 
was told on the spot that it was erected by two English 
ladies, but my informant was silent as to the tradition re- 
specting the head. In the centre of the carvings which 
adorn the upper part of the monument, is inserted a medal- 
lion portrait of the beautiful but unfortunate queen ; it is 
extremely well painted, and represents her in that peculiar 
costume so familiar to those acquainted with her accus- 
tomed style of dress. The following is a copy of the in- 
scription : — 

* Maria Stuarta, 

Scot, et Gall. Reg. 

Jacob. Magn. Britaiu Reg. Mater. 

Anno 1568, in Angl. Refagii cau8& descendens. 

Cogna. Elisab. ibi regnavit. 

Perfidi^ Senat et Haeret. post xix. CaptiviL Annos. 

Relig. ergo. cap. obtrunc 

Martyrium consumavit. Anno D. N. 1587. 

-ffita. Regy. 45.* 

*' The wood-carvings with which this church abound^t 
(especially those of the pulpit and its accessories), are 
marvellous efforts of art. M. W. B.*' 

" The monument dedicated to the memory of their be- 
loved mistress by the two noble ladies of the household of 
Mary Queen of Scots, Lady Barbara Mowbray, the wife, 

o 4 



88 MART QUEEN OF SCOTS. 

and Elizabeth Curie, the sister, of Gilbert Curie, the 
queen^s confidential secretary, still exists in the Church of 
St. Andrew at Antwerp. The ttory of the decapitated 
head having been borne awaj by these ladies, and buried 
at the foot of the pillar on which the monument is placed, 
which is alluded to by your correspondent, is too apocry- 
phal for belief. There is no reason to suppose that any 
head of the queen was carried away by these devoted 
women into exile, excepting in the shape of her portrait 
painted on copper ; which, instead of being interred beneath 
the monument, is still to be seen placed above the dedi- 
catory inscription. It is true that in the edition of Des- 
camps* Voyage PiUoresqne de la Flandre^ published at Paris 
and Rouen in 1769, it is stated the monument was sur- 
mounted by *'son buste en marbre ,*' but this error was cor- 
rected in the Antwerp edition of 1792, where it is correctly 
affirmed to be * son portrait peint.^ 

'' Mention is made of this crowned portrait, of a circular 
form, in Mackie's Castles and Prisons of Q^een Mary^ and 
of the close resemblance it bears to another in the posses- 
sion of Lady Cathcart ; who assured Mr. Mackie that the 
two portraits were painted by order of the queen, and pre- 
sented by her to two Scottish ladies^ but whose names are 
not mentioned. 

* "The following epitaph to the memory of these two 
faithful servants of the unhappy queen, has also been pre- 
served by Jacques Le Roy in his Theatre Sacri du Brabant, 
torn. ii. p. 90. It was copied by him from a blue marble 
slab placed over the entrance to the vault in which they 
were deposited ; — 

*D. O. M. 

Sub hoe lapide ducarvm feminarum vere piarum conduntur ewpora 
D. Babbails Moubray et D. Elisabeths Curle iUr<Bque ScoUb, 
nobUistinuB Maria RegituB ci cubiculiSf quorum tnonumenium superiori 
affigitur coIum/uB, JUa vidua mortaUum legi cesnt xxxi. JuUi anno 
1616 atatis Lvn., dum hoe temper ccdeba xxix. Maiiy aiaiis zjc 
Dni M.DC.XX.' 

'* In the inscription placed against the pillar, dedicated 



QUEEN ELIZABETH AND SIR P. SIDNEY. 89 

to the memory of Queen Mary, Lady Barbara is said to be 
a daughter of Lord John Mowbray — Barbara Moubray, 
D. Johan Moubray^ Baronis F, Nhssl.** 

QUEEK ELIZABETH AND SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. 

Among the objects of interest exhibited at the Museum 
of the Wilts Archseological Society at Salisbury in 1854, 
was a lock of hair of Queen Elizabeth*s, which was found 
some time before at Wilton House, between the leaves of a 
copy of The Arcadia, 

The hair is light brown, approaching to auburn, cer- 
tainly not red, although with a reddish tinge. Its authen- 
ticity is set forth in a paper in an early hand, which 
states, — 

*^ This Lock of Queen Elizabeth's own Hair was presented to Sir 
Philip Sidney by Her Majesty's owne faire hands, on which He 
made these verses, and gave them to the Queen, on his bended knee. 
Anno Domini 1573." 

And pinned to this is another paper, on which, written 
in a different hand, said to be Sidney's own, we have the 
verses, — 

*' Her inward worth all outward show transcends. 
Envy her merits with Regret commends ; 
Like sparkling Oems her Virtues draw the Sight, 
And in her Conduct she is alwaies Bright. 
Wheti She imparts her thoughts her words have force, 
And Sense and Wisdom flow in sweet discourse." 

HEMOBIALS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH's LAST 

DATS.* 

At a meeting of the Koyal Irish Academy in Dublin, on 
dOth November, 1849, Dr. Anstet exhibited a manuscript 

* We were indebted to Cliambers*8 Edinburgh Journal for this in- 
teresting supplement to the various particulars respecting the cap- 
ture of the Duke of Monmouth which had already appeared in our 
columns. It there forms the conclusion of an article on the last daya 



90 THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DATS. 

volume of 157 pages, which he declared to be the identical 
'^ album filled with songs, recipes, prayers, and charms," 
found in the Duke of Monmouth*B pocket when he was 
seized. It was purchased at a book-stall in Paris, in 1827, 
by an Irish divinity student, was given by him to a priest 
in the county of Kerry, and, on the priest*s death, became 
the property of the present possessor. Respecting its 
identity and history, from its removal from the rebel duke's 
pocket down to its production at the Royal Irish Academy, 
Dr. Anster showed that after MonmouUi was beheaded — 
which he was on Tower Hill, by the too-celebrated John 
Ketch, on the 15 th July, 1685 — the articles found on his 
person were given to the king. At James's deposition, 
three years afterwards, all his manuscripts, including those 
that had belonged to Monmouth, were carried into France, 
where they remained till the Revolution in that country a 
century afterwards. Dr. Anster, in exhibiting the book, 
showed that the remains of silver clasps had been destroyed, 
and a part of the leather of the covers at each side was 
torn away, seemingly for the purpose of removing some 
name on a coat of arms with which it had been once 
marked ; and this he accounted for by the belief that at the 
period of the French Revolution the persons in whose cus- 
tody they were, being fearful of the suspicions likely to 
arise from their possession of books with royal arms on 
them, tore off the covers, and sent the books to St. Omer^s. 
The after-fate of the larger books was, that they were 
burned ; some small ones, we are distinctly told, were saved 
from this fate, but seem to have been disregarded, and all 
trace of them lost. The Abb4 Waters — a collateral de- 
scendant of Lucy Waters, the Duke of Monmouth's mother 
— was the person with whom Creorge TV. negotiated for the 
Stuart papers, and from whom the volumes which have 
since appeared as Clarke's Life of James the Second were 



of this unforttmate nobleman, founded on the commnnications which 
had been made to ** Notes and Quebies," and kindly adduced to 
show the utility of that paper. 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DAYS. 91 
* 

obtained ; and it is from the Abbe Waters we have the 
account of the destruction of King James's autograph 
papers. Dr. Anster showed, written on the inner cover of 
this volume, the words, " Baron Watiers,*' or " Watrers." 

As to the identity of the book. Dr. Anster quoted several 
passages from contemporary authors to test their account 
of the contents of the " album" with those of the book he 
was describing. In the Harleian Miscellany, vol. vi. p. 323, 
it is stated in Sir John Reresby's memoirs, that *' out of 
his [Monmouth*s] pocket were taken books, in his own 
handwriting, containing charms or spells to open the doors 
of a prison, to obviate the danger of being wounded in 
battle, together with songs and prayers.*' Barillon describes 
the book in what is nearly a translation of this — " II y avoit 
des secrets de magie et d'enchantement, avec des chansons 
des recettes pour des maladies et des pri^res.** Again, in 
a note by Lord Dartmouth to the modem editions of 
Bumefs Ovm Times, we have the following statement : — 

** My nncle Colonel William Legge, who went in the coach with 
him [Monmouth] to London as a guard, with orders to stab him if 
there were any disorders on the road, showed me several charms that 
were tied about him when he was taken, and his table-book, which 
was full of astrological figures that nobody could understand ; but 
he told my nncle that they had been given to him some years before 
in Scotland, and he now found they were but foolish conceits." 

The actual contents of the manuscript volume show a 
great resemblance to these descriptions. The most curious 
passages which it contains are the duke*s memorandums of 
his journeys on two visits to the Prince of Orange, in the 
year previous to his last rash adventure. His movements 
up to the 14th of March, 1684-85, are given. The entries 
do not seem to be of much moment ; but they may acci- 
dentally confirm or disprove some disputed points of his- 
tory. There is an entry without a date, describing the 
stipes of a journey in England, commencing with London 
and Hampstead : it ends with Toddington. This forms a 
strong link in the chain of identity ; for Toddington is a 
place remarkable in the history of the duke. Near it was 



92 THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH* 8 LAST DAYS, 

the residence of Lady Henrietta Maria Wentworth, Baroness 
(in her own right) of Nettlestead, only daughter and heir 
of Thomas Lord Wentworth, grandchild and heir of the 
Earl of Cleveland. Five years before the execution, her 
mother observed that, despite the duke being a married 
man, her daughter had, while at court, attracted his admi- 
ration, and she hurried her away to Toddington. In 1683, 
after the failure of the Rye-House Plot, Monmouth was 
banished from the royal presence, and it was to Todding- 
ton he retired. When, on retracting the confession which 
he had made on the occasion, he was banished the king- 
dom, the companion of his exile was Lady Henrietta 
Wentworth. ' 

** I dwell on this," said Dr. Anster, <*becan8e the accidental men- 
tion of Toddington seems to authenticate the book : the name of 
Lady Henrietta Wentworth does not occur in it, and the persons in 
whose hands the book has been since it was purchased in Paris do 
not seem to have noticed the name of Toddington, or to hare known 
that it had any peculiar relation to the duke's history. It occurs 
twice in the book — once in the itinerary, and again in a trifling and 
unmetrical song, which is probably the duke*s own composition ; 
written probably on the eve of his flight with his romantic but guilty 
companion to Holland : — 

•With joy we leave thee, 
False world, and do forgave 
All thy false tveachery. 
For now we'll happy live. 
We'll to our bowers, 
And there spend our hours ; 
Happy there well be. 
We no strifes can see ; 
No quarrelling for crowns, 
Nor fear the great one's frowns ; 
Nor slavery of state, 
Nor changes in our fate. 
From plots this place is free. 
There we'll ever be ; 
We'll sit and bless our stars 
That from the noise of wars 
Did this glorious place give 
(Or did us Toddington give) 
That thus we- happy live,"* 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DATS. 98 

In Macaulaj's history we find that the latest act of the 
duke on the scaffold, before submitting to the stroke of the 
executioner, was to call his servant, and put into the man*s 
hand a toothpick-case, the last token of ill-starred loye. 
" Give it," he said, " to that person /"" After the descrip- 
tion of Monmouth's burial occurs the following affecting 
passage:— 

** Yet a few months, and the quiet village of Toddington, in Bed- 
fordshire, witnessed a yet sadder fiineral. Near that village stood an 
ancient and stately hall, the seat of the Wentworths. The transept 
of the parish charch had long been their burial-plate. To that 
burial-place, in the spring which followed the death of Monmouth, 
was borne the coffin of the young Baroness Wentworth of Nettlestead. 
Her family reared a sumptuous mausoleum over her remains ; but a 
less costly memorial of her was long contemplated with far deeper 
interest : her n^me, carved by the hand of him she loved too well, 
was, a few years ago, still discernible on a tree in the adjoining 
park." 

In further proof of identity. Dr. Anster pointed out 
several charms and recipes which the manuscript volume 
contains. The conjurations are in general for the purpose 
of learning the results of sickness in any particular case, 
and of determining whether friends will be in certain cir- 
cumstances faithful. There are also incantations for the 
cure of several maladies, and one to make gray hair grow 
black. No "charms against being wounded in battle," 
such as Sir John Reresby mentions, are to be found in the 
volume ; but there are some prayers against violent death, 
which have the appearance of having be.en transcribed from 
some devotional book. There is evidently a mistake in 
supposing that this book contains any charm for breaking 
open prison doors, and it is likely that Sir John Reresby 
was misled in this way: — There is in p. 7 a charm in 
French to procure repose of body and mind, and deli- 
verance from pains ; and the word for " pains " is written 
in a contracted form ; it might as well stand for prisons ; 
but, examining the context, it is plainly the former word 
.which is meant. 



U THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DAYS, 



The rest of the entries consist of extracts from old recipe- 
books, mixed in the oddest way with abridgments of Eng- 
lish history, and the most trifling memorandums, chiefly of 
a private and personal kind. Altogether, this commonplace 
work is highly indicative of the weakness, vanity, and 
superstition which stood forward so prominently in the 
character of the rash but unfortunate Duke of Monmouth. 
—Vol. i. p. 198. 

It is reasonable to conclude, that the article copied from 
Chamberis Edinburgh Journal furnishes the strongest evi- 
dence that can be adduced in support of the opinion, that 
the book in the possession of Dr. Anster is the one found 
on the Duke of Monmouth when captured, after his defeat 
at Sedgemoor ; and, if so, it is impossible to admit the hy- 
pothesis, because a portion of the contents of the real book 
has been given to^the world and contains matter far too 
important to have been passed over by Dr. Anster, had it 
existed in his volume. In the sixth edition of Dr. Wel- 
wood's Memoirs of the most material Transactions in Eng^ 
land for the last Hundred Years preceding the Revolution in 
1688, printed for " Tim. Goodwin, at the Queen's Head, 
against St.Dunstan's Church, in Fleet Street, 1718," the 
following passage is to be found at p. 147 : — 

** Bat of the most things above mentioned there is an infallible 
proof extant under Monmouth's own hand, in a little pocket-book 
which was taken with him and delivered to King James ; which by 
an accident, as needless to mention here, I had leave to copy, and did 
it in part. A great many dark passages there are in it, and some 
clear enough that shall be eternally buried for me : and perhaps it 
had been for King James's honour to have committed them to the 
flames, as Julius Cffisar is said to have done on a like occasion. All 
the use that shall be made of it is, to give in the Appendix some few 
passages out of it that refer to this subject, and confirm what has 
been above related." 

In the Appendix the following extracts are given from 
the duke's book: — 

« October 13. L. came to me at eleven at night from 29, told me 29 
could never be brought to believe I knew any thing of that part of 
the plot that concem'd Rye House ; but as things went he must be- 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DATS, 95 



have himself as if he did believe it, for some reasons that might be 
for my advantage. L. desired me to write to 29, which I refused ; 
but afterwards told me 29 expected it; and I promised to write to- 
morrow if he coald call for the letter; at which S. L. shew*d a great 
concern for me, and I believe him sincere, though 3 is of another 
mind. 

*' 14. L. came as he promis'd and received the letter from 8 sealed, 
refusing to read it himself tho' I had left it open with S. for that 
purpose. 

** 20. L. came to me at S. with a line or two from 29 very kind, 
assuring me he believed every word in my letter to be true ; and 
advis'd me to keep hid till he had an opportunity to expiess his 
belief of it some other way. L. told me that he was to go out of town 
next day, and that 29 would send 80 to me in a day or two, whom 
he assured me I might trust. 

'* 25. L. came for me to , where 29 was with 80. He received 

me pretty well, and said 80 and 50 were the causes of my misfortune 
and would ruin me. After some hot words against them and against 
S., went away in a good humour. 

** 26. I went to E and was in danger of being discovered by 

some of Oglethorp's men, that met me accidentally at the back door 
of the garden. 

*■ Not, 2. A letter from 29 to be to-morrow at seven at night at S., 
and nobody to know it but 80. 

<< 8. He came not, there being an extraordinary council. But 80 
brought me a copy of 50's intercepted letter, which made rather for 
me than against me. Bid me come to-morrow at the same hour, 
and to say nothing of the letter except 29 spake of it first 

<< 4. I came and found 29 and L. there ; he was very kind and 
gave me directions how to manage my business and what words I 
should say to 89. He appointed 80 to come to me every night until 
my business was ripe, and promis'd to send with him directions from 
time to time. 

^ 9. L. came from 29 and told me my business should be done to 
my mind next week, and that Q. was my friend, and had spoke to 89 
and D. in my behalf; which he said 29 took very kindly and had 
expressed so to her. At parting he told me there should be nothing 
required of me but what was both safe and honourable. But said 
there must be something done to blind 39. 

** 15. L. came to me with a copy of a letter I was to sign to please 
39. I desired to knew in whose hands it was to be deposited ; for I 
would have it in no hands but 29. He told me it should be so ; but 
if 89 ask'd a copy it could not well be refused. I referred myself 
entirely to 29's pleasure. 



96 THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DATS. 

** 24. L. came to me from 29 and order'd ine to render myself to- 
morrow. Cautioned me to play my part, to avoid questions as mach 
as possible, and to seem absolutely converted to 89*8 interest £ad 
me bear with some words that might seem harsh. 

** 25. I rendered myself. At night 29 could not dissemble his satis- 
faction ; press*d my hand, which I remember not he did before except 
when I retum*d from the French service. 29 acted his part well, 
and I too. 39 and D. seem'd not ill pleas'd. 

** 26. 29 took me aside, and falling upon the business of L. R. said 
he inclined to have sav*d him but was forc'd to it, otherwise he must 
have broke with 89. Bid me think no more on't. Coming home 

L. told me he fear*d 89 began to smell out 29's carriage, lliat . 

said to 39 that morning that all that was done was but sham. 

** 27. Several told me of the storm that was brewing. Rumsey 
was with 89, and was seen to come out crying that he must accuse 
a man he lov'd. 

**Dee, 19. A letter from 29, bidding me stay till I heard farther 
from hiuL 

**Jan. 5. I received a letter from L. marked by 29 in the margin 
to trust entirely in 10 ; and that in February I should certainly have 
leave to return. That matters were concerted towards it ; and that 
39 had no suspicion, notwithstanding of my reception here. 

** Fd>. 8. A letter from L. that my business was almost as well as 
done ; but must be so sudden as not to leave room for 39's party to 
counterplot That it is probable he would choose Scotland rather 
than Flanders or this country; which was all one to 29. 
« 16. The sad news of his death by L. O cruel faU !** 

Dr. Welwood cautiously adds, in a note : — 

« That by 20 and 89 King Charlte and the Duke of York seem to 
be meant. But I know not what to make of the other numbers and 
letters, and must leave the reader to his own conjectures." 

There can, I apprehend, be little doubt that the L. R. 
under the date of November 26, were meant to indicate 
the patriotic Lord Russell. 

The whole of these extracts possess the highest interest, 
establishing as they do several points referred to by histo* 
rians. It is curious to remark the complete subjection in 
which Charles, at this period, stood towards his brother ; 
occasioned, perhaps, by the foreign supplies which he 
scrupled not to receive, being dependent on his adhesion to 
the policy of wbich the Duke of York was the avowed re- 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH* 8 LAST DAYS. 97 



presentative. Shortly before his death, Charles appears to 
have meditated emancipation from this state of thraldom, 
and Hume says, — 

^ He was determined, it is thought, to send the Duke to Scotland, 
to recall Monmouth, to summon a. parliament, to dismiss all his un* 
popular ministers, and to throw himself entirely upon the good-will 
and affections of his subjects." 

This passage accords with the entries in Monmouth*s 
pocket-book under the dates of Jan. 5. and Feb. 3. If the 
unfortunate Monmouth could have foreseen the miserable 
end, with all its accompanying humiliations and horrors, 
to which a few months were destined to bring him, his 
exclamation, ** O cruel fate ! ** would have acquired addi- 
tional bitterness. C. Ross. 

These articles produced the following valuable and im- 
portant communication from Sir Frederick Madden : — 

In "Notes and Queries** (vol. i. p. 198) is inserted 
from Chamberis Edinburgh Journal an account of a manu- 
script volume said to have been found on the person of the 
Duke of Monmouth at the time of his arrest, which was 
exhibited by Dr. Anster at a meeting of the Royal Irish 
Academy, November 30, 1849, accompanied by some re- 
marks, which appeared in the Proceedings of the Academy, 
vol. iv. p. 411, and which furnish the substance of the article 
in Chambers above mentioned. In a subsequent number 
of the "Notes and Queries" (vol. i. p. 397), the authen- 
ticity of the volume is somewhat called in question by 
Mr. C. Ross, on account of certain historical entries not 
appearing in it, which are printed by Welwood in his 
Memoirs *, and stated to have been copied by him from " a 
little pocket-book " which was taken with Monmouth, and 
afterwards delivered to the king. Dr. Anster replied to 
this in the Dublin University Magazine for June, 1850 

• Query, what is the date of the Jirst edition of Welwood's work ? 
The earliest in the Museum library is the third edition, printed iii 
1700. 



$8 THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST DATS. 



(yol. zxxv. p. 673), and showed by references to the JSor- 
Uian Miicellanji (vol. yi. p. 322*, ed. 1810), and Sir John 
Keresb7*s Memoirs (p.>121, 4to., 1734), that more than one 
book was found on the Duke of Monmouth*8 person when 
captured. In the former of these authorities, entitled An 
Account qfffie Manner of toihivg the hU Duke qfMonmoufft, 
by his Majesty's command, printed in 1685, and perhaps 
compiled from information given bj the king himself, the 
' following statement is made : — 

** The papers and books that werefodiid on him are since delivered 
to his Majesty. One of the books was a manuscript of spells, charms, 
and conjurations, songs, receipts, and prayers, all written with the aaid 
late dM% (mm hand. Two others were manuscripts of fortification 
and the military art. And a fourth book, fairly written, wherein are 
compute of the yearly expense of his Slajesty's nayy and land 
forces." 

It is remarkable that the " pocket-book " mentioned by 
Welwood is not here specified, but it is possible that the 
entries quoted by him may have been written on the pages 
of one of the other books. Two of the above only are 
noticed by Mr. Macaulay, namely, ^ a small treatise on 
fortification,** and '*an album filled with songs, receipts, 
prayers, and charms;** and there can be no reasonable 
doubt that the latter, which is mentioned by the author of 
the tract in the HcarUian Miscellany, as well as by Reresby 
and Barillon, is the identical manuscript which forms the 
subject of Dr. Anster*s remarks. 

Within a few weeks this singular volume has been added 
by purchase to the National Collection of Manuscripts in 
the British Museum, previous to which I ascertained, by a 
careful comparison of its pages with several undoubted 
letters of the Duke of Monmouth (an advantage Dr. Anster 
did not possess), that the whole of the volume (or nearly 
so) is certainly in the duke*s handwriting. This evidence 
might of itself be deemed sufficient ; but some lines written 
on the fly-leaf of the volume (which are passed over by Dr. 
Anster as of no moment) confirm the fact beyond all cavil, 
since, on seeing them, I immediately recognised them as 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH*S LAST DA VS. 99 

the autograph of King James himself. Tbej are as fol- 
lows:— 

** This book W9S foond in the Duke of Monmouth's pocket when 
he was taken, and is most of his owne handwriting.** 

Although the contents of this volume have been already 
described in general terms by Dr. Anster, yet it may not 
perhaps be uninteresting to give a more detailed list of. 
what is written in it : — 

1. Receipts ** for the stone ;*' <* to know the sum of numbers be» 
fore they be writ doan )'* ** pour nettoyer Tovrages de cuyvre ar- 
gent€;" '*for to make Bouts and Choos [Boots and Shoes] hold 
out water;" and to ** keep the goms well.** — pp. 1 — 4. 8. 

2. Magical receipts and charms in French, written partly in an ab-> 
breviated form, accompanied by cabalistic figures. Two of these 
«Te to deliver a person oat of prison, and are no doubt the same 
which Sir John Beresby refers ta — pp. 5. 7. 9. 11 -^ 17. 

3. ^ The forme of a bill of Excheng," drawn on David Naime of 
London, from Antwerp, May, 16, 1684, for 2002. sterling. — p. 6. 

4. Astrological rules in French for finding out anything required ; 
together with a planetary wheel, dated 1680, to show life or death 
in case of illness, also happiness and adversity. '-*■ pp. 19 — 25. 

5. Directions ** pour savoire si une person sera fidelle on non,*' &c. 
At the bottom is a C3rpher, in which a stands for 10, b for 52, &c, 
p. 57. All this ia entered again at pp. 45. 47. 

6. *" The way from London to East Tilbery,'* dated December 1, 1684. 
—p. 29. 

7. Prayers for the morning and evening, pp. 81^3. 

8. List of the Christian names of women and men. — pp. 44. 46. 48. 

9. Arithmetical table of the number 7> multiplied from 1 to 37. — 
pp. 49. 51. 

10. Receipts <* to take away a come;** **& soveraign water of Dr. 
Stephens i" ** to make the face fair ;" '* to make golden letters 
without gold ;" ** to kip iron from rusting ;** ** to write letters of 
secreta ;** ** to make hair grow ;** "to make hair grow black 
though of any colour ;** and several more. — pp. 52 — 61. 

11. Casualties that happened in the reigns of the English sovereigns, 
from William I. to Queen Maiy, inclusive ; consisting chiefly of 
remarkable accidents, and reputed prodigies. — pp. 62 — 78. 

12. *< Socrates, Platon, Aristote et Ciceron ont fait ces trente Co- 
mandemens pour leurs disciples.** — pp. 78, 79. 

B 2 



100 TRE DUKE OF MOSMOZTTH^S LAST DATS. 

13. « A raceipi for tlie Pany."— p. 8L 

14. A poem entitled "The Twin FlaflK,«atf see iy If P."— pp. 

The words in italics hare been scribbled OTer with the 
pen for the purpose of concealment. The Terses com- 
mence: 

** Fantasdck wanton god, what doet thon mean. 
To breake my rest, make mee grow pale and lean." 

15. Receipts for secret writing, to take impressiona of prints upon 
glass, to boil plate, &c — pp. 93 — ^98. 

16. Several songs in English and French, pp. 99 — 107. 






Among them are rerses printed in ^ Notes ahd Queues, 
▼oL i. p. 199, beginning "With joie we do leave thee, 
accompanied by the musical notes ; and also a song com- 
mencing "All ye gods that ar above,** with the musical 
notes. It is most probable that these songs are copied from 
printed sources ; but as they have been conjectured to be 
compositions by Monmouth himself, the following short 
specimen may not be unacceptable, copied literatim, 

** O bow blest, and how inocent, 
and happy is a coantry life, 
free from tomnlt and discontent ; 
beer is no flatteiys nor strife, 
for *twas the first and happiest life, 
when first man did injoie him selfe. 
This is a better fote than kings, 
hence jentle peace and love doth flow, 
for fancy is the rate of things ; 
Fam pleased, becaose 1 think it so. 
for a hart that is nobly tme, 
all the world*s arts can n'er snbdae.** 

This poem immediately follows the one in which Tod- 
dington in Bedfordshire (which the duke spells, probably 
as then pronounced, Tedington) is referred to. 

17. Prayers after the confession of sins, and the s^iise of pardon ob- 
tained.*— pp. 108—125. 



• The paragraph quoted by Sir F. Madden out of Prayers after 
fh^ — <<''»x*'>n of tins, and the sense of pardon obtainedf and well called 



THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S LAST VATS, 101 

These prayers breathe a spirit of the most humble and 
ardent piety ; and, if composed by the duke himself, exhibit 
the weakness of his character in a more favourable light 
than the remainder of the volume. One paragraph is 
striking : — 

** Mercy, mercy, good Lord ! I aske not of thee any longer the 
things of this world; neither power, nor honours, nor riches, nor 
pleasures. No, my God, dispose of them to whom thou pleaaest, so 
that thou givest me mercy." 

18. " The Batteryes that can be made at Flushing to keep ships from 
coming in." — pp. 127, 128. 

19. "Traits de la guere ou Politique militaire."— pp. 130—132. 

20. ** The Rode that is to be taken from Bruxels to Diren, the Pri. 
of Orange's house." — p. 133. 

21. " The Road from Bruxells to Sousdyck, the Prince of Orange his 
hous."— p. 134. 

22. ** The way that I tooke from Diren, when I went for England, 
Nov. the 10. 84."— p. 135. 

23. ** The way that I took when I came from England, December the 
loth. 84."— p. 137. 

24. "The way that I took the first day of Jan. n. st [168J] from 
Bmxells to the Hague." — p. 139. 

25. Similar memoranda from 11th to 14th March, 1685, between 
Antwerp and Dort. — p. 141. 

26. The addresses of various persons in Holland, London, Paris, and 
elsewhere, to whom letters were to be written, 1685. — pp. 142. 
147—155. 

27. " The footway from Trogou to Amsterdam." — p, 143. 



by him "striking," is a verbatim copy of a passage in ** A Guide for 
the Penitent," published at the end of Jeremy Taylor's Golden 
Grove, 

The short preface, by a nameless hand, which precedes this divi- 
sion of the Golden Grove, would lead one to suppose that "A Guide 
for the Penitent " was a posthumous work of Jeremy Taylor j but 
this is not exactly stated. The prayers, however, have the same 
spirit and grandeur of piety which characterise those which are the 
acknowledged compositions of Bishop Taylor. Monmouth was be- 
headed eighteen years after Taylor died. It would be interesting to 
identify the author of "A Guide for the Penitent " (should there be 
any doubt on the subject): also, to ascertain how far Monmouth 
quoted, in his ," prayers," from Taylor or any other divine. 

Hd 



102 THM: DUKS of MONMOUTH'S last DATS. 

28. An obtcure memonndam, as follows : — ** 1688. Monday the 6th 
of November. H. W. had T. —The 9th of Norember, Ponpew '^ 
The 16th of November, Poape.''— p. 156. 

29. Yalae of duckatons, pistols, and gilders. — lb. 

30. Note of the route from London to Tedington. — p. 157. 

Although this volume is not of the same historical value 
as the Diary mentioned by Welwood, yet it is a curious 
and interesting relic of the unfortunate man who possessed 
it, and whose want of education, superstition, and frivolity 
ard so prominently displayed in its pages. As to its recent 
history, Dr. Anster states that it was purchased at a bo<&- 
stall in Fans, in 1827, by an Irish divinity student ; the 
same, probably, who has written his name at p. 90 : *' John 
Barrette, Irish College, Paris, Dec. 31, 1837.*' — The same 
person has made a memorandum in pencil, at p. 1, which 
has subsequently been partially rubbed out, and, as far 
as now legible, is as follows : — 

"This Book was found in of the English College in 

Paris, among other MS3» deposited there by James XL" 

An earlier hand has scribbled a list of the contents at 
the commencement, with the signature *'S. Butter.** If 
Kix^ James deposited this volume in the College at Paris, 
in all probability the others found On the person of the 
Duke of Monmouth accompanied it, and may one day or 
other turn up as unexpectedly as the present book has done. 
— Vol. iv. p. 1. F. Madden. 

I am anxious to acknowledge that Sib F. Madden has 
established, beyond all doubt, the facts that severed manu- 
script books were found on the Duke of Monmouth when 
he was captured, and that the volume rescued from oblivion 
by Dr. Anster, and now placed in the British Museum, is 
one of these, and also in Monmouth's handwriting. I take 
this opportunity of saying that I, unfortunately, have not 
seen Dr. Anster*s reply to my communication. 

Beferring unsuccessfully to Lowndes*s Manual for an 
answer to. Sib F. Madden*s question as to the date of the 
first edition of Welwood's Memoirs^ I was pleased, how- 



THE DUKE OF MONHOUTH*S LAST DAYS. lOd 

ever, to find that my edition (the sixth, published in 1718) 
possesses a value which does not attach to previous editions, 
inasmuch as it contains ^ A short introduction, giving an 
account how these memoirs came at first to be writ.** From 
this it appears that there are spurious editions of the work, 
for Welwood writes : 

** I have given my bookseller leave to make a sltcth impresaioD of 
the following memoirs ; and the rather that some time ago one Baker 
printed more than one edition of them without my knowledge, veiy 
incorrect, and on bad paper/' 

We may fairly assume thai the first edition was pub- 
lished at the beginning of 1699, for the *' epistle dedi- 
catory ** to King William is dated February of that year. 
If this be so, it must be ta^en as a proof of extraordinary 
popularity that the work should have reached a third edi- 
tion as early as 1700, as stated by Sib F^ Mapben. The 
*' account how these naemmrs came at first to be trrit*' pos- 
sesses some interest. It appears that Queen Mary used to 
hold frequent converse with the Doctor on the subject of 
her great-grandfather's and grandfather's history, and — 

** At last she fell to regret the insuperable difficnltieB she lay under 
(for I well remembor that was her mind) of knowing truly the his- 
toid of her grandfather's reign ; saying that most of the accounts 
she had read of it were either panegyrick or satire, not history. Then 
with an inimitable grace she told me, *If I would in a few sheets 
give her a short sketch of the affidrs of that reign, and of the causes 
that produced eueh dreadM efi^ts, she would take it well of me.' 
Saeh commands were too sacred not to be obeyed ; and when I was 
retiring from her presence^ she itopt me to tell me she expected I 
w6uld do what she had desired of me in such a manner, aiid with 
that freedom, as if I designed it for the information of a friend, and 
not one of the blood of King Charles I., prottiising to show it to none 
living without my coAsetit." 

Welwood further states that, after Mary's death. King 
William — 

^ Sent me, by the late Earl of Portland, the manuscript I had 
given his Queen, found in her cabinet ; where, upon the back of it, 
she had writ with her own hand the promise she had made me of 
showing it to nobody without my consent." 

H 4 



104 THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH *S LAST DAYS, 

In addition to the extract from Monmouth*s Diary given 
in my former communication, Welwood publishes a letter 
of the duke*8 to the brave and true Argyle, which is per- 
haps more creditable to Monmouth than any other memorial 
he has left. The letter, as Welwood suggests, appears to 
have been written shortly after the death of Charles II. I 
copy it : but if you think this paper too long, omit it : 

'* I received both yours together this morning, and cannot delay 
yon my answer longer than this post ; though I am afraid it will not 
please yon bo much as I heartily wish it may. I have weighed all 
your reasons, and everything that you and my other friends have 
writ me upon that subject ; and have done it with the greatest in- 
clination to follow your advice, and without prejudice. You may 
well believe I have had time enough to reflect sufficiently upon our 
present state, especially since I came hither. But whatever way I 
turn my thoughts, I find insuperable difficulties. Pray do not think 
it an effect of melancholy, for that was never my greatest fault, 
when I tell you that in these three weeks* retirement in this place 
I have not only looked back, but forward ; and the more I consider 
our pi«sent circumstances, I think them still the more desperate, 
unless some unforeseen accident fall out which I cannot divine nor 
hope for. [Here follow sixteen lines all in ciphers.] Judge then 
what we are to expect in case we should venture upon any such at- 
tempt at this time. It's to me a vain argument that our enemies are 
scarce yet well settled, when you consider that fear jn some, and am- 
bition in others, have brought them to comply; and that the Par- 
liament, being made up, for the most part, of members that formerly 
run our enemy doWn, they will be ready to make their peace as soon 
as they can, rather than hazard themselves upon an uncertain bottom. 
I give you but hints of what, if I had time, I would write you at 
more length. But that I may not seem obstinate in my own Judg- 
ment, or neglect the advice of my friends, I will meet you at the 
time and place appointed. But for God sake think in the mean time 
of the improbabilities that lie naturally in our way, and let us not 
by struggling with our chains make them straighter and heavier. 
For itiy part, I'll run the hazard of being thought anything rather 
than a raeh inconsiderate man. And to tell you my thoughts with- 
out disguise, I am now so much in love with a retired life, that I am 
never like to be fond of making a bustle in the world again. I have 
much more to say, but the post cannot stay ; and I refer the rest till 
meeting, being entirely' 

"Yours." 



\ 



MARY STUART'S CHAIR, 105 

Moomoutli's ill-concerted and ill-conducted expedition 
following, at no distant period, the prudent resolutions ex- 
pressed in the above letter, places the instability of his 
character in a strong light. 

C. Ross. — Vol. iv. p. 70. 

The following small piece of tradition, of which I made 
a note many years ago, indicates that the adventurous but 
ill-advised duke was a man of unusual muscular power and 
activity. 

** On the 8th of July, 1685, the Duke of Monmouth was brought 
a prisoner to Ringwood, and baited at an inn there. My mother, 
who was a native of Ringwood, used to relate, that her grandmother 
was one of the spectators when the royal prisoner came out to take 
horse ; and that the old lady never failed to recount, how he rejected 
any assistance in mounting, though his arms were pinioned ; but, 
jilacing his foot in the stirrup, sprang lightly into his saddle, to the 
admiration of all observers." Elijah Waring. 

MARY Stuart's chair. 

On the south side of the chancel of Conington Church, 
Hunts., stands a handsome, massive, and elaborately carved 
oaken chair, which has been traditionally known as the 
very seat from which the unfortunate Mary Stuart rose to 
submit her neck to the executioner. The chair was pro- 
bably brought from Fotheringay, and placed in Conington 
Church as a sacred relic, by Sir Robt. Cotton, who built 
Conington Castle partly with the material of Fotheringay, 
and who (according to Gough, in his additions to Camden's 
Britannia, vol. ii., "Iceni," ed. 1789) "brought from there 
the whole room where Mary Queen of Scots was beheaded." 
By this, perhaps, is meant, the deeply recessed arcade that 
now forms the two exterior sides of the ground- floor of 
Conington Castle ; which arcade, doubtless, was on the in- 
terior walls of Fotheringay, the windows being above it ; 
the principal window being supposed to be that which now 
forms the staircase window of the Talbot Inn, Oundle. 
Modern windows have been placed within the eleven di- 
visions of the arcade at Conington Castle. 



106 MART STUART'S CHAIR, 

In speaking of Conington Church, Grough says (see Ad' 
dUiofu to Camden) that ** Lord Coleraine saw a chair of an 
Abbot of Peterborough in this church, 1743,** which must 
have been the chair now under notice. The nft.ture of its 
decorations shows it to have been a chair used for religious 
purposes ; and the six principal figures that adorn it, are 
made to face at right angles with the chair ; so that when 
it was placed on the south side of the altar, the faces of the 
figures would be turned towards the east. 

The top of the chair is battlemented, and flanked by the 
two side-pieces which terminate in pediments supporting 
figures. Both figures are seated on low chairs of a massive 
ecclesiastical character. The right-hand figure (which is 
headless) holds an open volume, and is apparelled in 
chasuble and alb. The left-hand figure lA seated on a more 
highly decorated seat, wears a crown, and is bearded ; is 
vested in chasuble, alb, and dalmatic; and, though the 
hands are deficient, evidently did not, like the other figure, 
bear an open volume. Both figures face to the east. The 
upper part of the back of the chair is filled in with a pointed 
arch, cusped, and highly ornamented ; the arcs being di- 
vided into smaller cusps, which terminate (as do ihe larger) 
with leaves and trefoils carved with great richness. In the 
spandrels of the cusps are birds with outspread wings, 
bearing labels. Those on the left appear to be eagles; 
those on the right have long bills, and may be intended for 
pelicans. The large right-hand spandrel of the arch con- 
tains a figure of the Virgin Mary, crowned as " the Queen 
of Heaven,** clad in long flowing drapery, with her hands 
upraised, apparently in benediction, and her hur loose and 
streaming. Near to her is her emblem, the pot of lilies ; 
the pot being much decorated, the lilies five in number. 
It stands upon a label, whose folds fill up the rest of the 
spandrel. The left-hand large spandrel contains ihe 
figure of an angel feathered to the elbow and knee, his 
wings outspread, and a label proceeding from one hand. 
The arms of the chair are divided into two parts. The 
first part terminates in a graceful curve, supporting a 



MART STUAUT'S CHAIR, 10^ 

figure : the second part is continued with a carve carried 
on into the wings of a figure kneeling upon one kn^e : the 
intervals are filled up with open Gothic work. The four 
figures on the arms are all angels, whose wings are made 
to rest upon, or join into, the curved form of the chiur-arm. 
Tfaej all fiice to the east, and are clad in loose drapery ; the 
folds of which (as in the cases of the other figures) are 
carved with great minuteness, and disposed with much 
knowledge of artistic effect. The upper left-hand figure 
holds a trumpet ; that on the right a stringed instrument, 
which neither resembles the Grecian, Roman, Jewish, nor 
Egyptian lyre, but has {Hrecisely the same form as the 
modern '* banjo" of the negroes. Of the two angels on the 
lower divisions of the arm, the one on the right bears a 
legend, and the one on the left appears to have done the 
same, but the arms have been broken off. These legends 
may have been illuminated with texts of Scripture, &c. 
The sides of the chair are recessed, and filled in with a 
species of Gothic tracery that is apparently of later date 
than the rest. The front of the chair is panelled, and the 
foot is decorated with quatrefoils in high relief. 

During the sleep of indifferentism which fell upon the 
church towards the close of the past century, all interest 
attaching to the chair seems to have been forgotten ; and, 
after a lapse of years, it was discovered by the late Mr. 
Heathcote, of Conington Castle, in a room of the belfry of 
the church, where it had been thrust aside with other things 
as useless lumber, and daubed with the whitewash and 
paint of the generations of workmen who had cleansed their 
brushes on its broad surface. Mr. Heathcote, with a 
praiseworthy regard for a relic of so much interest, resolved 
to replace the chair in the position it had formerly occupied 
in the chancel of the church : but before this could be done. 
It was necessary to repair the ill usage which the chair had 
received, and to restore it, as much as possible, to its ori- 
ginal condition. It was accordingly confided to trust- 
worthy and skilful hands ; the old ornamental portions were 
replaced, and the chair was in every way restored strictly 



108 CARDINAL W0L8ET. 

in accordance with its original design. It is now in a good 
state of repair, and will probably remain for many ages a 
mute memorial of that tragic scene in which it once played 
its part. 

And, could we imagine the Dryad that watched over its 
forest-birth had filled its oaken frame with speech and feel- 
ing * or that a greater Power had put a voice into its shape, 
and caused the beam out of its timber to cry out against 
that cruel death-scene in the banquet-hall of Fotheringay, 
we might almost suppose it to have denounced the English 
Queen in the words of the Prophet Habakkuk (ii. 10, 11) : 

** Thoa hast consulted shame to thy hoase by cutting off many 
people, and hast sinned against thy soul. For 4he stone shall cry 
oat of the w'all, and the beam out of the timber shall answer iU** 

And, so long as that chair remains in the church of Goning- 
ton, and the stones of the banquet-hall of Fotheringay form 
a portion of its castle, so long shall that cry go up to 
heaven, and tell the hapless doom of Mary Stuart ! 

CuTHBEBT Bede, B.A. — (vii. p. 197.) 

CARDINAL WOLSEY. 

In the life of Wolsey in the Penny Cychpadia is the 
following : — 

** It is said that while he lived at Lymington, he got drank at a 
neighbouring fair. For some such cause it is certain that Sir Amias 
Paulett put him- into the stocks, — a punishment for which we find 
that he subsequently revenged himself." 

Collins, in his Peerage of England^ vol. iv. p. 3, says, 

" That in the reign of Henry VII., when Cardinal Wolsey was only 
a schoolmaster at Lymington, in Somersetshire, Sir Amias Paulett, for 
some misdemeanour committed by him, clapped him in the stocks ; 
which the Cardinal, when he grew into favour with Henry YIII., so far 
resented, that he sought all manner of ways to give him trouble, and 
obliged him (as Godwin in his Annals, p. 28, observes) to dance at- 
tendance at London for some years, and by all manner of obsequious- 
ness to curry favour with him. During the time of his attendance, 
being commanded by the Cardinal not to depart London without 
licence, he took up his lodging in the great gate of the Temple 
Street." 



rORSENA, THE EIGHTH KING OF ROME. 109 

The following anecdote, taken from a common -place book 
of Sir Roger Wilbraham, who was Master of the Bequests 
in the time of Queen Elizabeth, appears to have some bear- 
ing on this subject. 

*< Cooke, attorney, at diner Whitsunday* ista protnlit. 

'^ Wolsey, a prelate, was flagrante crimine taken in fornication by 
S' Anthony Pagett of y West, and put in y stokes. After being 
made Cardinal!, S' Anthony sett up his armes on y middle Temple 
gate: y* Cardinall passing in pontificalibns, and spying his owne 
armes, asked who sett them up. Answare was made y* y said Mr. 
Pagett. He smiled saying, he is now well reclaymed ; for wher be- 
fore he saw him in disgrace, now he honoured him." — Vol. iv. p. 213. 

ALLEGED BASTABDT OF ELIZABETH. 

In the State Paper Office (Dam. Pap,, temp. Jac. 1.), 
there is, under date of 1608, a letter from Mr. Chamber- 
laine to Sir Dudley Carleton, of October 28, in wliich 
Chamberlaine says : — 

** I heare of a Bill put into the Exchequer, conceminge much lande 
that sh<^ be alienated on account of the alleged bastardy of Queen 
EUzabeth." — Vol. vii p. 628. 

POBSENA, THE EIGHTH KING OF HOME. 

The three following communications from Mr. E. Wiest, 
appeared in the 12th vol., pp. 239. 300. 419. : — 

The story of Porsena and his expedition against Rome 
has hitherto been one of the most inexplicable phenomena 
which occur in the early history of that city. On one 
point alone do modem historians appear to be agreed, 
namely, that the purport of his expedition cannot have 
been to restore the Tarquins; but on every thing else, 
what was its purport, and when he lived, the most opposite 
opinions have been given. Thus Ihne places him in the 
age of the elder Tarquin, while Kiebuhr brings him down 
to a somewhat advanced period of the republic. I flatter 
myself that I have hit upon his real history, and this I now 
proceed to lay before your readers. 

• This was probably in 1598. 



110 P0R6ENA. TBE EIGHTB KING OF ROME, 

A singuliir custoqi existed at Eome of offering at public 
nales the goods of King Forsesa. Of what plae^ I ask* was 
Forsena king? ^ot of £truria» for all accounts represent 
his power as confined to Clusium ; and not of Cluaium, for 
of that city he was kr9. This being so, I know of no alter- 
native than to set him down as king of Rome. Thi« con- 
jecture may seem somewhat startling but it is strong^ 
confirmed by a statanent in Pioaysitts, aocording to which 
the Romans presented to Forsena an ivory throne, a golden 
crown, a sceptre, and other insignia of royalty; and by 
another in Livy (iii. 39), to the effect that under the leader* 
ship of the Valerii and Horatii the kings had been expelled. 
Now, it so happens that Livy mentions no Horatius in his 
account of the expulsion of the Tarquins, but he does in- 
troduce one (Cocles) as a most determined enemy of For- 
sena. From this it is evident that the writer fioBX whom 
this passage is primarily derived^ conceived Forsena to 
have been king of Rome. Moreover,, it harmonises so 
exactly with what I shall show to be true history, that of 
its accuracy I do not feel the slightest doubt 

If so, how did Forsena come to be king of Rome? — by 
conquest ? Or did he have any right to that dignity ? I 
believe he had. Servius, the predecessor of Tarquin II., is 
said by one account to have been a companion of Coelius, 
and to have been originally named Mastarna. " Companion 
of Goslius " seems to point to his having been a Clusian, 
Ccelius being evidently only another form of Clus — the 
name of the Etruscan town deprived of its Latin termina- 
tion; and Mastarna is simply the Celtic title Mactiern (son 
of the chief). Even admitting that the Etruscans were not 
Celts, Servius may easily have had a Celtic title, for the 
Gauls had been established in the neighbourhood of Clu- 
sium for a considerable time. On these grounds I conjec- 
ture Servius to have been the son of the then lars of 
Clusium. 

We now see why Forsena led his expedition against 
Rome. Servius, to whom he was related, had been bar- 
barously murdered by the Tarquinian family, one of whom 



PORSENA, THE EIGHTH KING OF ROME, 111 



then usurped his throne. Porsena went to Borne to 
revenge the death of Servius and to put down the usurper. 
This supposition that Tarqutn was expelled by Forsena, is 
certainly contradictory to the testimony of all antiquity ; 
but this testimony was caused by a mistake in the name of 
the family which he intended to restore. Forsena came to 
Kome to reinstate, not the Tarquinian, but the Clusian 
£imily on the thnme of Rome in his own person. 

Forsena did not enjoy his kingdom any length of tune. 
If he had, it would have been impossible for the fact of his 
having been king to have been so entirely unknown to the 
later Roman historians. Some of the Tarquins probably 
fled to Cumss, where Aristodemus ruled, and persuaded him 
to make war upon Forsena, and the result was the defeat of 
Forsena^s son, Aruns, before the walls of Aricia, The Ro- 
ynans took advantage of this to ezpel Forsena, and thus 
throw off all connexion with both the contending monarchs. 

I will finish by makii^ an application of our knowledge 
that Forsena was king of Rome to the illustration of the 
origin of the received account of the expulsion of the Tar- 
quins. Forsena was, as I have shown, the real last king of 
Bome, but Tarquin was believed to have been so. Events 
which happened in the reign of Forsena were therefore attri- 
buted to the other, just as events which happened in the 
time of the real first dictator, Valerius, were attributed to 
the supposed first dictator, Larcius. This confusion, more- 
over, was favoured by the resemblance between the names 
Forsena and Tarquin, — a resemblance so great, that one 
modem author, at least, has not scrupled to identify the two 
monarchs. The account of the expulsion of the Tarquins- is 
simply a second edition of the events which led to the expul- 
sion of Forsena. That resulted from the conduct of his son 
Aruns, while besieging a Latin city, Arioia ; so Tarquin*s ex- 
pulsion was said to have been caused by the conduct of his 
son (and his name is sometimes given as Aruns), and this 
while besieging a Latin city with a name resembling Aricia — 
Ardea. This latter story must be the false one, for we 
know, from the treaty with Carthage in the first year of the 



112 PORSENA AND THE 

republic, that Ardea was then subject to Rome. The story 
of Lucretia is of course a repetition of the story of Virginia. 
I can back the theory laid down above by other argu- 
ments and evidence, which, for brevity's sake, I have abs- 
tained from bringing forward on the present occasion. 

POBSEKA AND THE CLUSIAN DTNASTT AT ROME. 

I now place before the readers of " N. & Q.'* some ob*- 
servations tending further to confirm and illustrate my view 
that Rome was ruled by a Clusian dynasty adverse to the 
Tarquinian, of which dynasty Porsena was the second king. 

According to the tradition followed by Livy and Diony- 
sins, Servius, the first Clusian King of Rome, was of Latin 
origin, being born at Corniculum, and the son of a certain 
Ocrisia. This is contrary to the Etruscan, and no doubt 
the true account, which makes him an Etrurian, and I 
fancy I can show how it originated. There was a city 
called Ocriculum in the vicinity of Clusium, and Servius, 
who was a Clusian, was probably mentioped by some writer 
as connected with that place. We may hazard the conjec- 
ture that he was said to have been born there, although 
what that connexion was, cannot now with certainty be 
known. The historians of Rome split this into two, making 
of it that Servius was born at Corniculum, and that his 
mother's name was Ocrisia. This seems to be tolerably 
certain, for the two names, Ocrisia and Corniculum, are 
evidently formed from Ocriculum. Thus, although the 
Roman tradition seems at first sight to militate with my 
view, it may be not only reconciled to it, but made to 
supply something like a confirmation to its truth. 

Now, as Servius was a Clusian, it may be asked, how 
came a Clusian to be king of Rome ? The answer is easy. 
Dionysius represents a league of several Etrurian states as 
having been formed against Tarquinius Prisons. Clusium 
is mentioned as having been one, and it is generally be- 
lieved that it was at that time at the head of the twelve 
states of Etruria. If so, it necessarily follows that a Clu- 
sian would have commanded the army of the league. I am 
Vat Servius, the son of the lars of Clusium, was 



CLUSIAN DYNASTY AT ROME, 113 

the commander, and that he conquered Home and made 
himself king. Just in the same way Sextus, the son of 
Tarquin II., reduced Gabii for his father, and was made 
king. This war of the Etrurians against Tarquin I., is an 
exact parallel to the war of Porsena against Tarquin II. 

It is little more than following up the statements of our 
authorities to their natural consequence, when I transfer 
the expedition of Porsena to the time of Tarquin, instead 
of representing it as occurring after his expulsion. They 
always synchronise this war with the very beginning of the 
republic. Kome was certainly then as powerful as it was 
at the time when Livy believes that it would have success- 
fully resisted Alexander if he had invaded Italy. The lars 
of Clusium must therefore have been for a longtime (several 
years) engaged in preparing his expedition ; it necessarily 
follows, then, that he was doing so while Tarquin was reign- 
ing without opposition at Rome. And for what purpose, if 
not to make war on the Tarquins ? If we admit, as we 
must, that Porsena prepared for war with Rome while Tar- 
quin was on the throne, why should he not have gone a step 
farther, and have made war with it at the same time ? 

But we are not reduced to have to support our proposi- 
tion that Tarquin and Porsena were enemies by inferences 
only, for we have decisive evidence that they were so in Livy 
ii. 14. 21. 34. Aristodemus there appears as the staunch 
friend of Tarquin, and yet (for he commanded the Cumean 
auxiliaries, mentioned ii. 14.) gives that assistance to the 
Ajricians which enabled them to defeat and kill the son of 
Porsena. Mamilius, the son-in-law of Tarquin, also assisted 
the Aricians in the same war. When we see Tarquin's 
best friends — they who hazarded their own position to re- 
seat him on his father^s throne — enemies of Porsena, who 
will say that they themselves were not enemies ? 

I will add a conjecture which, if just, will throw some 
farther light on this obscure subject. A certain Attus 
Clausus is said to have come to Rome with 5000 clients in 
the first year of the republic. Our authorities call him a 
Sabine, and the reason given for his emigration is, that he 



114 PORSENA AND THE CLUSIAN DYNASTY, 

• 

disapproved of the conduct of his countrymen in making 
war with Rome. ^ This war is now admitted on all hands 
to be unhistorical, and this derivation of the Claudian 
family fall? of course to the ground with it. We must 
therefore bring Clausus from some other quarter, and I 
conjecture that he came to Kome with Forsena. His name 
Clausus certainly comes from Clusium (Clausus, Clusus, 
Clusius, Clusium), and the dat«s assigned for his emigration 
and the expedition of Forsena are identical. Supposing this 
conjecture tenable, and I believe it to be so, I would infer 
from it, that the Claudian tribe was a colony left by For- 
sena at Rome (of this colony Livy makes mention, ii. 14., 
though he erroneously, apparently misled by the name, 
places it in the Tuscan Street ;) and that the two plethra 
which were given to each of the clients of Clausus, were a 
reward given by Forsena to his followers, after the war had 
been brought to a successful termination. This seems clear 
when we remember that Forsena is always said to have 
mulcted the Romans of a certain portion of their territory 
formerly belonging to Veii, and that it was there that 
Clausus and his clients received their land. This colony 
must have joined the Romans in their revolt from Forsena, 
probably to preserve their land. There are several in- 
stances in the early history of Rome, of its colonists taking 
part in the revolts of the nations among whom they were 
placed to keep them in subjection. Livy seems to allude 
to this revolt when he says (ii. 15.) that Forsena gave back 
to the Romans the Yeientian land, which he had taken from 
them by the treaty at the Janiculum. This statement is 
incredible, if we do not take it to mean that the inhabitants 
of the Veientian land (t. e. the Clusian colony) broke off 
their allegiance to Forsena, and joined the Romans. The 
received account of these facts is absolutely impossible ; 
according to which the Romans gave the two plethra each 
to the 5000 clients of Clausus out of their mere good plea- 
sure, just at the time when a considerable part of their ter- 
ritory had been taken from them by the Etruscans. And 
still more so, if we may believe the story that Codes was 



THE FOUR LAST KINGS OF ROME, 115 

rewarded for his defence of the bridge with as much land 
as he could plough in a day. 

THiS FOUR LAST KINGS OF SOME. 

It is hazardous, as a rule, to deal with the chronology of 
such semi-mythical beings as the kings of Rome are. But 
the alteration in that chronology which I now make is of 
some importance, and is supported by so many concurrent 
circumstances, that the truth of it cannot be doubted. It 
is, that the reign of the elder Tarquin did not last more 
than one year at the most. Our authorities say that it 
lasted thirty-eight, and I ground my contrary opinion on 
the following circumstances: — First, the truce for 100 
years, which Romulus granted to Yeii just before his 
apotheosis (say in a. u. c. 37), does not, according to Livy 
(i. 42.), expire till 176. Then the remark in Livy, i. 18. 
(which, inasmuch as it is contrary to his own chronology, 
is certfdnly derived from some ancient book), according to 
which more than 100 years subsequent to Numa's accession 
(38), in the reign of Servius (this commenced in 176), 
Pythagoras assembled the youth of the remoter parts of 
Italy, &c. Farther, the sons of Ancus complain, in 176 
(Livy, i. 40.), that within the space of a little more than 
100 years from the time when Romulus was king (37), a 
slave (Servius) should sit on his throne. And lastly, the 
internal improbability, that the sons of Ancus, who were 
young men when Tarquin I. usurped the throne, should 
allow him to remain in undisputed px)ssession of it for 
thirty-eight years, and then suddenly remember their own 
title to it and kill him. If we reject thirty-seven out of the 
thirty-eight years of Tarquin I.'s reign, all is clear : the 
truce with Veii expires at the proper period ; the time be- 
tween Kuma's accession and Servius is exactly 100 years 
(Pythagoras, be it remembered, is not placed in the be- 
ginning of the reign of Servius) ; and the time between 
the reign of Romulus and Servius*s accession, in the words 
of the sons of Ancus, a little more ; and we escape the im- 

I 2 



116 THE FOUR LAST KINGS OF ROME. 

possibility of the thirty-eight years of quietude of the latter 
parties. The events which really happened in the reign of 
Tarquin L may easily have happened in the compass of a 
year ; the others have been transferred to him from Tar- 
quin II , and even from Forsena through his medium. . 

A word now on the history of Servius. Plutarch, with- 
out specifying which, says that Caecilia was the wife of one 
of Tarquin's sons. Sir G. C. Lewis ( Cred, of the early 
History of Rome) seems at a loss to tell which ; and re- 
marks that, according to the common account, the two sons 
of Priscus marry the two daughters of Servius, and that 
the three sons of Superbus were immarried. He however 
has forgotten Servius (believed to have been the son-in- 
law of Priscus), and to him the passage in Plutarch, with- 
out doubt, refers. Servius was, therefore, the husband of 
Csecilia ; who, as is proved by her name *, was the daughter 
of Cseles (or Cselius, misprinted, p. 240., Coelius). The 
history of Caeles is very obscure, but he was certainly a 
powerful chief. Here we see the origin and untrustwor- 
thiness of another story respecting Servius, which clashes 
with our view (the story that he was the son-in-law of 
Tarquin I.), viz. the Roman historians knew that Servius 
married the daughter of some powerful chief, and not 
knowing his name — or perhaps having heard of it, and yet 
not able to give it correctly, as they placed Cseles in the 
Eomulian era — they set it down at once as Tarquin I. 

It is almost unnecessary to point out the palpable incon- 
sistencies in the received account of the accession of Ser- 
vius to the throne of Eome. Tarquin I. had two sons, 
both of whom survived their father, of whom Superbus was 
one ; and Servius was, even according to the received ac- 
count, a foreigner. And yet the mother of the first (Ta- 

* There can be no donbt that the very common termination to 
Roman proper names, -i/tiM, implies descent It is in Uictflius, the 
/ being dropped in composition. Thus, Numa Pompilius is called the 
son of Pompo; Tullus Hostilias, the grandson of Hostas; Ofilius 
Calavius, the son of Ovius or Ofius (Livy, ix. 6.), &c. This npsets 
lhne*d derivation of Pompilius, Publilius, &c., from Fopulus, 



THE FOUR LAST KINGS OF ROME. 117 

naquil) is represented as plotting in favour of the second ; 
quite regardless of the legitimate claims of her own off- 
spring, who are not even mentioned. Such was the absurd 
story by which the Roman historians tried to conceal the 
fact of the entire conquest of Rome by the Clusian Servius. 
To come now to the second Tarquin. One of the most 
important results of my system is, that it strikes out from, 
history the whole account of the events which, according to 
our authorities, preceded his expulsion, as a mere repetition 
of those which really led to the expulsion of Forsena. The 
principal difference between the two narratives is, that the 
scene of the events in the first case is Ardea ; and in the 
latter, Aricia. But this difference is not real, for it can be 
proved conclusively that Aricia and Ardea are merely dif- 
ferent forms of the same word ; and that the towns bearing 
those names are, in consequence, often confounded with 
each other. Aricia and Arsia are certainly identical*; 
and that Arsia and Ardea are so, is seen from the analogy 
of Clausus and Claudius. Farther, Turnus is in Virgil 
king of Ardea ; and Turnus Herdonius is in Livy (i. 50.), 
chief of Aricia. Herdonius comes from Ardonius (Her- 
donea in Apulia, the scene of one of Hannibal's victories, 
is sometimes spelt Ardonea), as Herminius from Arminius ; 
and it is evident that Ardonius and Ardea are cognate. 
When we remember these things, we can easily suppose that 
some writers spelt Aricia, the real scene of the defeat of 
Forsena*s son, Ardea ; and that when a duplicate was made 
and applied to Tarquin, the scene was in that instance 
given as Ardea, so as to keep some distinction between the 
two accounts. The difference before referred to in spelling 

* This is clear, for the battle of Arsia (Livy, ii. 6, 7.) is certainly 
only a repetition of the battle of Aricia. Aruns Tarquinius is killed 
in the first, and Anms Porsena in the second. The Cumsean auxili* 
aries also, which took part in the battle of Aricia, are sometimes 
transferred to the battle of Arsia, as by Platarch. This repetition 
originated in the confusion which existed as to the name of the last 
king of Bome. Arsia is only mentioned in connexion with the 
battle fought there. 

I 3 



«^ 



118 THE FOUR LAST KINGS OF HOME. 

the name of the place where Arans Forsena was defeated, 
perhaps originated the idea of these events being two and 
distinct. 

I have said that Herminius comes from the German Ar- 
minius. This is the general opinion, and I mention it here 
because it helps to prove the Etruscan origin of the Her- 
minian family. (Niebuhr has shown that the Etruscans 
were of German descent.) But this view does not need 
such doubtful support) for it is stated distinctly by Va- 
lerius Max. ; Silius mentions an Etrurian named Her- 
minius, and one Herminius has the Etruscan Lars or 
Larcius as his nomen (Livy, iii. 65.) : see Smithes Diet 
of Gr, and Rom, Biog,, Sfc, Thus the Herminian family 
was certainly Etruscan. No one ever doubted that the 
Larcian family had the same origin. 

It is an important circumstance that a member of each 
of those families (Spurius Larcius, Titus Herminius) 
figured in the defence of the Sublician bridge against For- 
sena : for it shows us that the Koman enemies of Forsena 
were Etruscans like himself. This fact can be explained 
only in one way, and then all is clear and consistent ; 
namely, by transferring the expedition of Forsena to the 
time of the Etruscan domination of Eome under Tai'quin II., 
and by supposing his Etruscan opponents to have been men 
who upheld that dynasty in opposition to the Clusian. 

I will now, in conclusion, answer an objection that may 
be made to my view, that Forsena was king of Kome. It 
is well known that in the historical period there stood in 
the capital seven statues, which were called the statues of 
the seven kings. This may seem hostile to my idea that 
the number of the kings of Rome was eight, but I do not 
think it is so. For is it probable that the Komans would, 
after they had expelled the tyrant Tarquin from Rome, 
allow his statue to remain in the capitol ? It seems to me 
most improbable, particularly when I remember that when 
in the time of the empire a tyrant was slain, one of the first 
acts which followed was the throwing down of all the 
statues, &c., erected to him in the days of his prosperity. 



WHERE WAS ANNE BOLETN BUSIED f 119 



WHEBE WAS XSN-E BOLETN BUBIED ? 

It is said in Miss Strickland's Q^een8 of JEngland (iy. 
203.), that there is a tradition at Salle in Norfolk that the 
remains of Anne Boleyn were removed from the Tower, 
and interred at midnight, with the rites of Christian burial, 
in Salle Church, and that a plain black stone without any 
inscription is supposed to indicate the place where she was 
buried. An account of Salle Church, with the inscriptions 
on the Boleyn monuments, is given in the 4th volume of 
Blomefield^s Norfolk (folio ed.), p. 421., but no allusion is 
made to any such tradition ; and other parts of the same 
work, where the Boleyns (including the Queen) are re- 
ferred to, are equally silent on the subject. Lord Herbert 
of Cherbury, in his History of King Henry VIIL^ does not 
state how or where she was buried. HoUingshed, Stow, 
and Speed say, that her body, with the head, was buried in 
the choir of the chapel in the Tower ; and Sandford, that 
she was buried in the chapel of St. Peter in the Tower. 

Burnet (vol. i. p. 318.), who is followed by Henry, 
Hume, and Lingard, says that her body was thrown into a 
common chest of elm-tree that was made to put arrows in, 
and was buried in the chapel within the Tower, before 
twelve o'clock. Sharon Turner, in his History of the Reign 
of King Heriry VIII,^ vol. ii. p. 464., cites the following 
passage from Crispin's account of Anne Boleyn's execution, 
written fourteen days after her death, viz. : 

*f Her ladies immediately took up her head and the body. They 
seemed to be without souls, they were so languid and extremely 
weak ; but fearing that their mistress might be handled unworthily 
by inhuman men, they forced themselves to do this duty; and 
though almost dead, at last carried off her dead body wrapt in a 
white covering." 

In a letter in the GentlemarCs Magazine for October, 
1815, signed " J.C," it is said — 

'* But the headless remains of the departed Queen were said to be 
deposited in an arrow-chest, and buried in the Tower Chapel, before 

I 4 



120 WOLSEVS SON, 



the High Altar. Where that stood, the most sagacious antiquary, 
after a lapse of less than three hundred years, cannot now determine ; 
nor is the circumstance, though related by eminent writers, clearly 
ascertained. In a cellar the body of a person of short stature, with- 
out a head, not many years since was found, and supposed to be the 
reliques of poor Anna ; but soon after re-interred in the same place, 
and covered with earth." 

The stone in Salle Churcb was some time since raised, 
but no remains were to be found underneath it. Miss S. 
states that a similar tradition is assigned to a black stone in 
the church at Thornden on the Hill : but Morant, in his 
History of Essex ^ does not notice it. —(vol. v. p. 464.) 

wolsey's son. 

The existence of a natural son of Cardinal Wolsey is a fact as well 
ascertained as any other fact of the Cardinars history, and referred 
to in the various biographies of him that have appeared. His name 
was Thomas Winter. In Chalmers's Biographical Diciionanfy vol. 
xxiii. pp. 255. and 256. note, reference is made to a Bull of Pope 
Julius II., dated August, 1508, to be found in Kennet's MSS. in the 
British Museum, in which he is styled, " dilecti filio Thoma Wulcy," 
Rector of Lymington, diocese of Bath and Wells, Master of Ai-ts, 
**pro diq>en8atione ad tertium incompatibile" This is explained by 
the passage in Wood's Athena Oxon. Fastif part i. p. 73 (Bliss ed.), 
relating to him. ** This Tho. Winter, who was nephew (or rather 
nat. son) to Cardinal Tho. Wolsey, had several dignities confer'd 
upon him before he was of age, by the means of the said Cardinal,'* 
viz. the archdeaconry of York, 1523 ; chancellorship of the church 
of Sarum ; the deanery of Wells, 1525 ; the provostship of Beverly ; 
and the archdeaconrv of Richmond, &c. : on which there is a note 
by Baker, that ** this Tho. Winter is said to have held of the church's 
goods clearly more than 2000 pds. per an." Wood adds, that about 
the time of the Cardinal's fall, he gave up all or most of his dignities, 
keeping only the archdeaconry of York, which he resigned also in 
1540. In Grove's Life and Times of Cardinal WoUey, vol. iv. p. 31., 
among the "Articles" against the Cardinal, Article XXVII. ex- 
pressly charges him, " that he took from his son Winter his income 
of 2,700/. a-year, applied it to his own use, and gave him only 200/. 
}'early to live on." A reference is made in Sir H. Ellis's Letters Il- 
lustrative of English History, 2nd Series, vol. ii. p. 70., to a letter of 
Edmund Harvel to Dr. Starkey, dated from Venice, April, 1535, in 



JAMES THE SECOND, HIS REMAINS. 121 

-which the writer expresses his obligations to Mr. Winter, for his 
'* friendly mynde toward him/' and begs him to return his thanks. 

In Mr. Gait's Life of WoUey (Appendix IV. p. 424. of Bogue's 
edition) will be found a copy of a letter from John Clusy to Crom- 
well, in relation to a natural daughter of Wolsey's in the nunnery of 
Shaftesbury. 

The existence of a son of Cardinal Wolsey, is recorded in 
a letter from Eustace Chaupys to the Emperor Charles Y., 
October 25, 1529, in the following words : — 

*' The cardinal has now retired with a very small train to a place 
about ten miles hence. A son of his has been sent for from Paris, 
who was there following his studies, and of whom I have formerly 
made some mention to your Majesty." — Correspondence of Guwles V., 
p. 291. 

JAMES THE SECOND, HIS BEMAINS. 

Mr. Pitman Jones, in vol. ii. p. 243., writes as follows : 
The following curious account was given to me by Mr. 
Eitz- Simons, an Irish gentlemen, upwards of eighty years 
of age, with whom I became acquainted when resident 
with my family at Toulouse, in September, 1840; he re- 
sided in that city for many years as a teacher of the French 
and English languages, and had attended the late Sir Wil- 
liam Eollett in the former capacity there in 1817. He 
said, — 

" I was a prisoner in Paris, in the convent of the English Bene- 
dictines in the Rue St. Jacques, during part of the revolution. In 
the year 1793 or 1794, the body of King James II. of England was 
in one of the chapels there, where it had been deposited some time, 
under the expectation that it would one day be sent to England for 
interment" in Westminster Abbey. It had never been buried. The 
body was in a wooden coffin, inclosed in a leaden one ; and that 
again inclosed in a second wooden one, covered with black velvet. 
That while I was so a prisoner, the sans-culottes broke open the 
coffins to get at the lead to cast into bullets. The body lay exposed 
nearly a whole day. It was swaddled like a mummy, bound tight 
with garters. The sans culottes took out the body, which had been 
embalmed. There was a strong smell of vinegar and camphor. The 
corpse was beautiful and perfect. The hands and nails were very 



122 JAMES THE SECOND, HIS REMAINS, 



fine, I moved and bent every finger. I never saw so fine a set of 
teeth in my life. A young lady, a fellow-prisoner, wished much to 
have a tooth ; I tried to get one out for her, but could not, they were 
so firmly fixed. The feet also were very beautiful. The face and 
cheeks were just as if he were alive. I rolled his eyes : the eye- 
balls were perfectly firm under my finger. The French and English 
prisoners gave money to the sans-culottes for showing the body. 
They said he was a good sans-culotte, and they wer6 going to put 
him into a hole in the public churchyard like other sans-culottes ; 
and he was carried away, but where the body was thrown I never 
heard. King George lY. tried all in his power to get tidings of the 
body, but could not. Around the chapel were several wax moulds 
of the face hung up, made probably at the time of the king's death, 
and the corpse was very like them. The body had been originally 
kept at the palace of St. Germain, from whence it was brought to 
the convent of the Benedictines. Mr. Porter, the prior, was a pri- 
soner at the time in his own convent." 

The above I took down from Mr. Fitz- Simons' own 
mouth, and read it to him, and he said it was perfectly cor- 
rect. Sir W. Follett told me he thought Mr. Fitz- Simons 
was a runaway Vinegar Hill boy. He told me that he was 
a monk. 

The following passage is transcribed from a communica- 
tion relative to the Scotch College at Paris, made by the 
Rev. H. Longueville Jones to the Collectanea Topographica 
et Genealogica, 1841, vol. vii. p. 33.: — 

" The king left his brains to this college ; and, it used to be said, 
other parts, but this is more doubtful, to the Irish and English col- 
leges [at Paris]. His heart was bequeathed to the Dames de St. 
Marie at Chaillot, and his entrails were buried at St. Germain-en - 
Laye, where a handsome monument has been erected to his memory 
by order of George IV. ; but the body itself was interred in the mo- 
nastery of English Benedictine Monks that once existed in the Rue 
du Faubourg St. Jacques, close to the Val de Grace. In this latter 
house, previous to the Eevolution, the following simple inscription 
marked where the monarch's body lay : — 

*CI GIST JACQU£S n. BOI DE LA OBANDE BRETAQNE.'" 

A monument to the king still exists in the chapel of the 
Scotch College (which is now leased to a private school) ; 
and the inscription, in Latin, written by James, Duke of 



JAMES THE SECOND, HIS REMAINS. 123 

Perth, is printed in the same volume of Collectanea^ p. 85., 
followed by all the other inscriptions to James's adherents 
now remaining in that chapel. 

In a subsequent communication respecting the Irish Col- 
lege at Paris, made by the same gentleman, and printed in 
the same volume, at p. 113. are these remarks : — 

" It is not uninteresting to add, that the body of James II. was 
brought to this college after the destruction of the English Bene- 
dictine Monastery adjoining the Yal de Grace ; and remained for 
some years in a temporary tomb in one of the lecture halls, then used 
as a chapel. It was afterwards removed ; by whose authority, and 
to what place, is not exactly known : but it is considered not impro- 
bable that it was transported to the church of St. Germain-en-I^ye, 
and there buried under the monument erected by George lY. Some 
additional light will probably be thrown on this subject, in a work 
on the Stuarts now in course of compilation." 

There is a marble monument erected in memory of 
James, in the chapel of the old Scotch College, in the Rue 
des Fosses Saint Victor. An urn of bronze, gilt, contain- 
ing the king's brains, formerly stood on the crown of this 
monument. The urn was smashed, and the contents scat- 
tered over the ground, during the French Revolution. A 
much more important loss to posterity was incurred by the 
destruction of tiie manuscripts entrusted by James to the 
keeping of the brotherhood he loved. The trust is alluded 
to with mingled pride and affection in the noble and touch- 
ing inscription on the Royal monument. — (vol. ii. p. 281.) 

Dr. Wreford writes as follows : To the information which 
has recently been furnished in your pages respecting the 
remains of James II., it may be not uninteresting to add 
the inscription which is on his monument in the church of 
St. Germain-en-Laye. 

The body of the king, or a considerable portion of it, 
which had remained unburied, was, I believe, interred at 
St. Germain soon afler the termination of the war in 1814; 
but it being necessary to rebuild the church, the remains 
were exhumed and re -interred in 1824. Vicissitudes as 
strange in death as in life seem to have attended thb un- 
happy king. 



124 JAMES THE SECOND, JTI8 REMAINS. 

The following is the inscription now on his monument in 
the parish church of St. Germain : 

*^REOIO CIKERI PIETAS BEGIA. 

** Ferale quisqnls hoc monumentam suspicis 

Rerum humanarum vices meditare. 

Magnus in prosperis in adversis major 

Jacobus 2. Anglorum Rex 

Insignes aeramnas dolendaque nimium fata 

Fio placidoque obitu exsolvit 

in h&c urbe 

Die 16. Septemb., anni 1701. 

£t nobiliores qusedam corporis ejus partes 

Hie reconditaa asserrantur.*' 



Qui prius august^ gestabat fronte coronam 

Exiguft nunc pulvereus requiescit in uma : 

Quid solium — quid et alta jurant I terit omnia lethum, 

Yerum laus fidei ac morum baud peritura manebit, 

Tu quoque summe Deus regem quern regius hospes 

Infaustum excepit tecum regnare jubebis.** 

But a different inscription formerly was placed over the 
king's remains in this church, which has now disappeared ; 
at all events I could not discover it ; and I suppose that 
the foregoing was preferred and substituted for that, a copy 
of which I subjoin : 

** D. 0. M. Jussu Georgii IV. Magnae Britannise &c., Regis, et cu- 
rante Equite exc. Carolo Stuart Regis Britanni» Legato, ceteris an- 
tea rite peractis et quo decet honore in stirpem Regiam hie nuper 
effosssB reconditffi sunt Reliquiae Jacobi II., qui in secundo civitatis 
gradu clarus triumphis in primo infelicior, post varios fortunse casus 
in spem melioris vitas et beataa resurrectionis hie quievit in Domino, 
anno mdooi, v. idus Septemb., mdcccxxtv." 

At the foot of the monument were the words — 

** IMpouilles mortelles de Jacques 2. Roi d'Angleterre." 

A third monumental inscription to the memory of 
James II., in Latin, is to be seen in the chapel of the Scotch 
College in Paris. This memorial was erected in 1703, by 
James, Duke of Perth. An urn, containing the brains of 



JAMES THE SECOND, HIS REMAINS, X25 

the king, formerly stood on the top of it. A copy of this 
inscription is preserved in the Collectanea Topographica et 
Oenealogica, vol. vii. — (vol. ii. p. 427.) 

The subjoined copy of an authentic document, obtained 
through the kindness of Mr. Pickford, Her Majesty's con- 
sul in Paris, ^as communicated to " Notes and Queries,'* 
vol. iv. p. 498. 

It is an " Extract from the Register of the Deliberation 
of the Municipal Council of St. Germain-en-Laye," dated 
July 12, 1824, containing the official report, or proces-ver' 
bali of the discovery made that day of three boxes, in which 
were deposited a portion of the remains of King James II. 
and of the Princess Louise-Marie, his daughter. 

The "annexes" referred to, of the respective dates of 
September 16 and 17, a.d. 1701, leave no doubt as to the 
disposal of the royal corpse at that time. With respect to 
its fate, after its removal from the English Benedictine con- 
vent in Paris in 1793, as mentioned in the article No. 46., 
it is most probable that it shared the fate of other royal 
relics exhumed at the same disastrous period from the 
vaults of St. Denis, which were scattered to the winds, or 
cast into a common pit. 

It may be presumed that the epitaph given in the same 
document, and mentioned as being smh as had existed in 
the church of St. Germain-en-Laye, had disappeared before 
the date of the " Extract from the Register.'* It probably 
was destroyed during the first fury of the French Revolu- 
tion in 1793 :— 

*' R^publique Fran9aJse. 
«* Libert^, Egalit^ Fratemitd 

** Ville de Saint Germain-en-Laye. 

** Extrait da R^gistre des Deliberations da Conseil ManicipaL 

« seance da 12 Jaillet, 1824. 

** Aujourd'hai landi doaze Juillet mil huit cent vingt-qaatre, trois 
heares de relevee, noas Pierre Dan^s de Montardat, ancien Colonel 



126 JAMES THE SECOND, HIS REMAINS. 

de Cavalerie, chevalier de I'ordre royal et militaire de St. Louis, 
Maire de la ville de St Oermain-en-Lave, ayant 4X4 inform^ par 
MM. les Architectes de la nouvelle ^glise de cette vlUe, que ce matin, 
vers sept heures, en faisant la fouille de remplacement da nouveaa 
clocher dans Pancienne chapelle des fonds, on avait d^uvert succes- 
sivement trois boites en plomb de diffi^rentes formes, plac^ trfes pr^ 
les anes des autres, et dont Tune desquelles portait une inscription 
grav^e sur une table d'^tain, constatant qu'elle contient partie des 
restes du roi Jacques Stuart Second, Roi d'Angleterre, d'Ecosse et 
d'Irlande. Nous sommes transport^ sur le lieu susd^sign^ accompagn^ 
de M. le Comte Bozon de Talleyrand, Lieutenant General honoraire. 
Grand' Croix de I'ordre de St. Louis, Gouvemeur du Chateau de St. 
Germain-en- Laye, de M. Jean Jacques Collignon, cnr^ de cette 
paroisse royale, de MM. Malpi^e et Moutier, architectes de la nou- 
velle ^glise, de M. Rigault, secretaire de la Mairie, et de MM. Yoisin, 
Perrin, Baudin, de Beaurepaire (le comte), Dasouchet, Galot, Decan, 
Dapuis, Jeulin, Joumet, Griveao, Dufour, Delaval, Casse et Barb^ 
membres du Conseil Municipal, et de M. Morin, Commissaire de 
Police, 

*' Oh etant, nous avons reconnu et constat^; 

'^ 1°. Que la premiere des trois boites susdites (figure A) ^tait en 
plomb de 0™. 35«. carr^s et 0". 18 centimetres de hauteur, recouverte 
d'une plaque en meme de 0"^. 22 centimetres carr^s, sous laquelle 
plaque on a trouv^ une table en ^tain de 0°>. 20 centimetres de haut, 
0™. 15«. de large, portant cette inscription: — 

" ' Ici est une portion de la chair et des parties nobles du corps 
de tr^s haut, trfes puissant, tr^s excellent Prince Jacques 
Stuart, second du nom, Roi de la Grande Bretagne ; naquit le 
XXIII Octobre MDCXXXIII, d^^6 en France, & St 
Germain-en-Laye, le XVI Septembre MDCCL' 

** Au bas de la plaque sent empreintes ses armes. 

** Cette boite est en partie mutil^ : elle contient plusieurs portions 
d*ossements et des restes non encore consomm^. 

" La deuxieme boite (figure B) circulaire est aussi en plomb de 
0™. 34 centimetres de diametre et 0™. SO", de hauteur et d^uverte. 

" La troisieme boite (figure C) de 0™. 80«. carr^ et 0™. 26 centi- 
metres de hauteur est aussi en plomb et ferm^ de tontes parts k I'ex- 
ception d'un trou oxyd^ 

'* Ces deux demieres boites ne paraissent contenir que des restes 
consommes. Ces trois boites ont 4i6 enlev^es, en presence de toutes 
les personnes d^nomm^s au present, avec le plus grand soin et trans- 
port^es dans le Tr^or de la Sacristie. 

" Ensuite nous avons fait faire aux archives de la Mairie les re« 



JAMES THE SECOND, HIS REMAINS. 127 



chervhes ii^essaires, et nous avons troav^ tmr le r^gistre de I'unn^e 
1701 & la date du 16 Septembre, les actes dont copies seront jointes 
an pr^ent proc^-verbal, ainsi que r£pijtaphe du Roi Jacques, et qui 
constatent que partie de ces entraiUes, de son cerveau avec les pou- 
mons et un pen de sa chair, sont rest^ en d^pot dans cette ^glise 
pour la consolation des peuples tant Fran^ais qu' Anglais, et pour 
conserver en ce lieu la m^moire d'un si grand et si religieux prince. 

** Les autres boites sont sans doute les restes de la Princ«sse Louise- 
Marie d'Angleterre et fille du Eoi Jacques Second, d^c^^ h St. 
Germain le 17 Avril, 1712, ainsi que le constate le r(^gistre de cette 
ann^, qui indique qu'une partie des entrailles de cette Princesse a 
et^ d^pos^ pr^s des restes de son p^re. 

« De tout ce que dessus le present a 4t4 T4dig4 les sns-dits jour, 
mois et an, et sign^ de toutes les personnes y d^nomm^es. 

** (Ainsi sign^ h la minute du proc^-verbal.) 



** Suivent les annexes. 
''Du seize Septembre mil sept cent un, k trois heures et vingt 
minutes apr^ midi, est d^^^ dans le ch&teau vieil de ce lieu, ti^s 
haut, trfes puissant et tr^s religieux Prince Jacques Stuart, second du 
nom, Roi d'Angleterre, d'£cosse et d'lrlande, kg4 de 67 ans 11 mois, 
^galement regrett^ des peuples de France et d'Angleterre, et surtout 
des habitans de ce lieu et autres qui avaient 4t6 temoins oculaires de 
ses excellentes vertus et de sa religion, pour laquelle il avait quitt^ 
toutes ses couronnes, les c^ant h un usurpateur d^natur^ a3'ant 
mieux aim^ vivre en bon cbr^tien ^loignd de ses ^tats, et faire par 
ses infortunes et sa patience, triompher la religion catholique, que de 
r^gner lui-mlme au milieu d'un peuple mutin et h^r^tique. Sa 
demise maladie avait dur^ quinze jours, pendant lesquels il avait 
re^u deux fois le St Yiatique et PextrSme onction par les mains de 
Messire Jean Fran9ois de Benoist, Docteur de la Maison de Sorbonne, 
prieur et cur^ de ce lieu, son propre pasteur, avec des sentimens d'une 
liumilite profonde, qu'apr^ avoir pardonn^ k tons les siens rebelles et 
ses plus cruels ennemis, il demanda meme pardon h, ses officiers, s'il 
leur avait donn€ quelque sujet de chagrin. II avait donn^ aussi des 
marques de sa tendresse et religion au S^^issime Prince de Galles, 
son fils, digne h^ritier de ses couronnes aussi bien que de ses vertus, 
auquel il recommanda de n'avoir jamais d'autre r^gle de sa conduite 
que les maximes de TEvangile, d'honorer toujours sa tr^s vertueuse 
m^re, aux soins de laquelle il le laissait, de se souvenir des bont^s que 
Sa Majesty trfes chrdtienne lui avait toujours t^moign^ et de plutot 
renoncer k tons ses ^tats que d'abandonner la foi de J^sus-Christ. 
Tout le peuple tant de ce lieu que des environs ont eu la consolation 
de lui rendre les derniers devoirs et de la visiter pour la demibre fois 



IH 



128 JAMES THE SECOND, ffIS REMAINS. 

en son lit de parade, oil il demeura vingt-qnatre henres expose en 
yue, pendant lesqaeUes il fat assist^ du dei^ de cette ^glise, des 
r^y^rends p^res Ballets et deB Loges, qni ne ces^ront pas de prier 
pour le repos de T&me de cet illostre h^ros da nom chr^tien que le 
Seigneur r^mpenae d'une couronne ^temelle. 

** Sign^ P. Pabmestieb, Secretaire.'* 

** Du dix-septi^me jour (m^e ann^) sur les huit henres et demie 
du soir, fdt enlev^ du ch&teau vieil de ce lieu, le corps de tr^ haut, 
tr^ puissant et religieux monarque Jacques Stuart, second du nom, 
Roi d*Angleterre, d*£cos8e et d*Irlande, apr^ avoir 4t4 embaum^ en 
la manibre accoutumee, pour €tre conduit aux Religieux B^D^ctins 
Anglais de Paris, ikubourg St. Jacques, accompagn^ seulement de 
soixante gardes et trois caresses k la suite, ainsi qu'il avait ordonn^ 
pour donner encore apr^ sa mort un exemple de detachement qu'il 
avait eu pendant sa vie des vanity du monde, n'^tant assist^ que de 
ses aumoniers et de Messire Jean Fran9ois de Benoist, pretre, Docteur 
de la Maison de Sorbonne, prieur et cur^ de ce lieu, son propre pas- 
teur, qui ne Tavait point abandonn^ dans toute sa maladie, I'ayant 
console dans tons ses maux d'une mani^ ^difiante et autant ]>leine 
d*onction qu'on puisse d^sirer du pasteur z^4 pour le salat de ses 
ouailles. Son coeur fut en meme terns port^ dans TEglise des Reli- 
gieuses de Cbaillot ; une partie de ses entrailles, de son cerveau, avec 
ses poumons et un pen de sa chair, sont rest^s en d^pdt dans cette 
^glise, pour la consolation des peuples tant Fran9ai3 qa'Anglais et 
pour conserver en ce lieu la m^moire d'un si grand et si religieux 
prince. 

«* Sign^ P. Pabmsntier, Secretaire." 

** Epitaphe de Jacques Second, Roi de la Grande Bretagne, telle 
qn'elle existait dans TEglise de St. Germain-en-Laye : — 

' A. Regi Regum 

felicique memoriie 

Jacobi n. Majoris Britannias Regis 

Qui sua hie viscera condi voluit 

Gonditus ipse in visceribus GhristL 

Fortitudine bellic& nulli secundus. 

Fide Christian^ cui non par? 

Per alteram quid non ausus? 

Propter alteram quid non passus? 

I11& plus quam heros 

Isti prop^ martyr. 

Fide fortis 
Accensus periculis, erectns adversis. 



LEICESTER AND THE REPUTED POISONERS. 129 



Nemo Rex magls, cui regna quatuor 
Anglia, Scotia, Hibernia — Ubi quartum? 
Ipse sibi. 
Tria eripi potuere 
Quartum intactum mansit. 
Priomm defensio, Exercitus qui defecemnt : 
Fostremi tutels, virtates nunquam transfugae. 



Qdn nee ilia tria erepta omnino. 

Instar Regnorum est Ludovicus hospes ; 

Sarcit amicitia talis tantse sacrilegia perfidiae, 

Imperat adhue qui sic exulat 

Moritur, ut vixit, fide plenus, 
Ebque adyolat quo fides ducit 
Ubi nihil perfidia potest. 

Non fletibus hie, canticis locus est. 
Aut si flendum, flenda Anglia.* 

** Pour copies conformes, Le Maire de St. Germain," &c. 

The authenticity of the signature attested by Her Bri- 
tannic Majesty's consul in Paris, Dec. 11. 1850. 



LEICESTER AND THE REPUTED POISONERS OP HIS 

TIME. 

At page 315. vol. ii. of D'lsraeirs Amenities of Literature^ 
London, 1840, is as follows : — 

"We find strange persons in the Earl's household (Leicester). 
Salvador, the Italian chemist, a confidential counsellor, supposed to 
have departed from this world with many secrets, succeeded by Dr. 
Julio, who risked the promotion. We are told of the lady who had 
lost her hair and her nails ; ... of the Cardinal Chatillon, who, after 
being closeted with the Queen, returning to France never got bej^ond 
Canterbury ; of the sending a casuist with a case of conscience to 
Walsingham, to satisfy that statesman of the moral expediency of 
ridding the state of the Queen of Scots by an Italian philtre.' 



a 



" The lady who had lost her hair and her nails" was Lady 
Douglas, daughter of William Lord Howard of Effingham, 

K 



130 LEICESTER AND THE REPUTED POISONERS, 

and widow of John Lord Sheffield. Leicester was married 
to her afler the death of his first wife Anne, daughter and 
heir of Sir John Robsart, and had by her a son, the cele- 
brated Sir Robert Dudley, whose legitimacy, owing to his 
father's disowning the marriage with Lady Sheffield, in 
order to wed Lady Essex, was afterwards the subject of so 
much contention. On the publication of this latter mar- 
riage. Lady Douglas, in order, it is said, to secure herself 
from any future practices, had, from a dread of being made 
away with by Leicester, united herself to Sir Edward Staf- 
ford, then ambassador in France. Full particulars of this 
double marriage will be found in Dugdale*s AntiquUies of 
Wanoickshire, 

The extract from D'Israeli's Amenities of Liieraiure re- 
lates to charges against Leicester, which will be found at 
large in Leicester's Commonwealth, written by Parsons the 
Jesuit, — a work, however, which must be received with 
great caution, from the author's well-known enmity to the 
Earl of Leicester, and his hatred to the Puritans, who were 
protected by that nobleman's powerful influence. 

This subject receives interesting illustration in the Me* 
moirs of Gervas Holies, who at some length describes the 
seduction of Lady Sheffield, by Leicester, at Belvoir Castle, 
while attending the Queen on her Progress. A letter from 
the Earl to the lady of his love, contained the suspicious 
intimation — 

'* That he had not been unmindftd in removing that obstacle which 
hindered the full fruition of their contentments : that he had endea- 
voured one expedient already which had failed, but he would lay 
another which he doubted not would hit more sure.'' 

This letter the Lady Sheffield accidentally dropped from 
her pocket ; and being picked up and given to the Lord 
Sheffield by his sister Holies, he read it with anger and 
amazement. That night he parted beds, and the next day 
houses ; meditating in what manner he might take honour- 
able and just revenge. Having resolved, he posted up 
to London to effect it: but the discovery had preceded 
him to the knowledge of Leicester, who finding a necessity 



PERIPLUa OF HANNO THE CARTHAGINIAN, 131 

to be quick, bribed an Italian physician Q^ whose name,'* 
says HoHes, " I have forgotten**) in whom Lord Sheffield 
had great confidence, to poison him, which was immediately 
effected after his arrival in London. Leicester, after co- 
habiting with the Lady Sheffield for some time, married 
the widow of the Earl of Essex, who it is thought, says 
Holies, " served him in his own hindy every way,** 

In the suit af^^rwards instituted by Sir Robert Dudley, 
with the view of establishing his legitimacy, the Lady Shef- 
field was examined, and swore to a private marriage with 
the Earl of Leicester, but that she had been prevailed on, 
by threats and pecuniary largesses, to deny the marriage, 
as Queen Elizabeth was desirous that Lord Leicester 
should marry the widow of the Earl of Essex. 



PERIPLUS OF HAXNO THE CABTHAGINIAN. 

Mr. R. T. Hampson writes as follows : — I am not suf- 
ficiently Quixotic to attempt a defence of the Carthaginians 
on the western coast of Africa, or any where else, but I 
submit that the accusation brought against them by Mr. 
S. Bannister, formerly Attorney-General of New South 
Wales, is not sustained by the only record we possess of 
Hanno*s colonising expedition. That gentleman, in his 
learned Records of British Enterprise beyond SeOy says, in 
a note, p. xlvii. : — 

** The first nomade tribe they reached was friendly, and furnished 
fianno with interpreters. At length they discovered a nation whose 
languor wtu unknown to the interpreters. These strangers they at- 
tempted to seize ; and, upon their resistance, they took three of the 
women, whom they put to death, and carried their skins to Car- 
thage.** QGeogr. Graci Mtnores, Paris, 1826, p. 115.) 

Hanno obtained interpreters from a people who dwelt on 
the banks of a large river, called the Lixus, and supposed 
to be the modern St. Cyprian. Having sailed thence for 
several days, and touched at different places, planting a 
colony in one of them, he came to a mountainous country 
inhabited by savages, who wore skins of wild beasts, dkpfiara 

K 2 



132 PERIPLU8 OF HANNO THE CARTHAGINIAN. 

^nptta ivti/ifuwtv. At a distance of twelve days* sail, he 
came to some Ethiopians, who could not endure the Cartha- 
ginians, and who spoke unintelligiblj even to the Lixite 
interpreters. These are the people whose women, Mr. 
Bannister says, thej killed. Hanno sailed from this in- 
hospitable coast fifteen days, and came to a gulf which he 
calls Norov KipOj or South Horn. 

''Here," says the Dr. Hawkesworth of Carthage, « in the gulf, 
was an island, like the former, containing a lake, and in this another 
island, fiill of wild men ; but the women were mach more nnmeroos, 
'icith hairy bodUt {iaatia* ■nUe oMfumr), whom the interpreters called 
yopcXAoc. We pursued the men, who, flying to the prediMGes, de- 
fended themselves with stones, and could not be taken. Three wo- 
men, who bit and scratched their leaders, would not follow them. 
Haying killed them, we brought their skins to Carthage." 

He does not so much as intimate that the creatures who 
so defended themselves with stones, or those whose bodies 
were covered with hair, spoke any language. Nothing but 
the words avOpotTroi dypiot and ywatrcc can lead us to be- 
lieve that they were human beings at all ; while the de- 
scription of the behaviour of the men, and the bodies of the 
women, is not repugnant to the supposition that thej were 
large apes, baboons, or or orang-outangs, conmion to this 
part of Africa. At all events, the voyagers do not saj that 
they flayed a people having the faculty of speech. 

It is not, however, improbable that the Carthaginians 
were severe taskmastei^s of the people whom they subdued. 
Such I understand those to have been who opened the 
British tin mines, and who, according to Diodorus Siculus, 
excessively overworked the wretches who toiled for them, 
"wasting their bodies underground, and dying, manj a 
one, through extremity of suffering, while others perished 
under the lashes of the overseers." (Bibl. Hist 1. v. c. 38.) 

— (i. p. 361.) 

This note led to the following from Mr. S. W. Singer : 

— " Mr. Hampson '* has served the cause of truth in de- 
fending Hanno and the Carthaginians from the charge of 
cruelty, brought against them by Mr. Attorney- General 



PERIPLUS OF HANNO THE CARTHAGINIAN. 133 

Bannister. • A very slender investigation of the bearings of 
the narration would have prevented it. I know not how 
Dr. Falconer deals with it, not having his little volume at 
hand; but in so common a book as the History of Maritime 
Discoveri/j which forms part of Lardner's Cabinet Cyclo- 
padia^ it is stated that these Gorilla were " probably some 
species of ourang^outangy Purchas says they might be the 
baboons or Pongos of those parts. 

The amusing, and always interesting, Italian, Hakluyt, 
in the middle of the sixteenth century, gives a very good 
version of the ANNQNOS IIEPIIIAOYS, with a preliminary 
discourse, which would also have undeceived Mr. Bannister, 
had he been acquainted with it, and prevented Mr. Hamp- 
son's pleasant exposure of his error. 

Ramusio says, " Seeing that in the Voyage of Hanno 
there are many parts worthy of considerate attention, I 
have judged that it would be highly gratifying to the 
studious if I were here to write down a few extracts from 
certain memoranda which I formerly noted on hearing a 
respectable Portuguese pilot, in frequent conversations with 
the Count Eaimondo della Torre, at Venice, illustrate this 
Voyage of Hanno, when read to him, from his own ex- 
perience." There are, of course, some erroneous notions 
in the information of the pilots and in the deductions made 
from it by Ramusio ; but the former had the 8aga<;ity to see 
the truth respecting this Gorgon Island fviU. of hairy men 
and women, I will not spoil the naivete of the narration 
by attempting a translation ; merely premising that he 
judged the Island to be that of Fernando Po. 

** E tutta la descrittione de questo Capitano era simile a quella per 
alcnn Scrittore Greci, quale parlande dell' isola delle Gorgone, dicono 
quella esser un isola in mezzo d* una palude. £ conciacosa che havea 
inteso che li poeti dicevan le Gorgone esser femine terribili, per5 
scrisse che le erano pelose. , . . Ma a detto pilotto pareva piti veri- 
simile di pensare, che havendo Hannone inteso ne' i libri de' poeti 
come Perseo era stato per aere a questa isola, e di qoivi reportata la 
testa di Medusa, essendo egli ambitioso di far creder al mondo che 
Ini vi fosse andato per mare ; e dar riputation a questo suo viaggio, 
di esser penetrato fino dove era stato Perseo ; volesse portar due pelU 

K 3 



134 THE LAST OF THE VILLAINS, 

di Gorgone, e dedicarle nel tempio di Gianone. II che Im fa fiudl 
coea da fare, conciosiaoosa che in tutta qobuul costa si tbuo- 

YDfO IHFUTITE di quells SeXIE ORANDK, CHS PABONO PSB80NB 

HUMANE, DELLB Babuine, le pelle delle quali poteva far egli cre- 
dere ad ognuno che fbesero state di femine." 

Gosselin, also, in his Reeherehes sur la Geographie des 
AncierUj speaking of this part of Hanno's voyage, says : — 

**Hanno encoantered a troop of Ourang-Outangs, which he took 
for savages, because these animals walk erect, often having a staff in 
their bands to snpport themselves, as well as for attack or defence ; 
and they throw stones when they are porsaed. They are the Satyrs 
and the Argipani with which Pliny says Atlas was peopled. It 
would be useless to say more on this sabject, as it is avowed 6y all 
Ae modern commentaton ofiht PeriphuJ* 

The relation we have is evidently only an abridgment 
or summary made by some Greek, studious of Carthaginian 
affairs, long subsequent to the time of Hanno ; and judging 
from a passage in Pliny (1. ii. c. 67.)} it appears that the 
ancients were acquainted with other extracts from the ori- 
ginal, yet, though its authenticity has been doubted by 
Strabo and others, there seems to be little reason to ques- 
tion that it is a correct outline of the voyage. That the 
Carthaginians were oppressors of the people they subjugated 
may be probable ; yet we must not, on such slender grounds 
as this narration affords, presume that they would wantonly 
kill and flay human beings to possess themselves of their 
skins I 



THE LAST OP THE VILLAINS. 

It would be an interesting fact if we could ascertain the 
last bondsman by blood -^ naiivus de sanguine — who lived 
in this country. The beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
tury is the period usually referred to as the date of the ex- 
tinction of personal villenage. In the celebrated argument 
in the case of the negro Somerset (^State Trials^ vol. zx. p. 
41.), an instance as late as 1617 — 18 is cited as the latest 
in our law books. (See Noy's Reports^ p. 27.) It is pro- 



THE LAST OF THE VILLAINS. 135 

bablj the latest recorded c2atm, but it is observable that 
the claim failed, and that the supposed villain was adjudged 
to be a free man. I can supply the names of three who 
were living near Brighton in the year 1617, and whose 
thraldom does not appear to have been disputed. ISTorden, 
from whose unpublbhed Survey of certain Croion Manors 
I hitve extracted the following notice, adverts to the fact, 
but seems to think that the times were rather unfavourable 
to any attempt by the lord of the manor to put his rights 
in force. 

" There are three bondmen of bloude belonginge unto this manor, 
never known to be anie way mannumissed, namely, Thomas Goringe, 
William and John Goringe. Thomas Goringe dwells at Amberley, 
William at Piddinghow, and John Goringe at Bottingdean. What 
goods they have the June know not. All poor men. Thomas hath 
the reversion of a cotage now in the tenure of William Jefferye. But 
mee thinkes this kinde of advantage is nowe out of season ; yet, were 
they men of ability, they might be, upon some consideration, in- 
fraunchized." {Survey of the Manor of Fahner, Sussex.') — (voL i. 

P- ^3^-) E. Smibkb. 

H. G. not having seen Mr. Smirke*s communication, writes 
as follows : — Can any of your readers inform me at what 
period villeuage became extinct in this kingdom ? I have 
now before me a grant of a manor from the Crown, in the 
third and fourth year of the reigns of King Philip and 
Queen Mary, conveying, amongst other goods and chattels, 
the bondmen, bondwomen, and villeins, with their sequels, 
— " Natives, nativas, e villanos cum eos sequelis.'* Accord- 
ing to Blackstone, the children of villeins were in the same 
state of bondage with their parents; whence they were 
called, in Latin, "nativi,** which gave rise to the female 
appellation of a villein, who was called a neife. What I 
wish to learn is, whether the old wording of Cro^n grants 
had survived the existence of villenage ; or whether bond- 
age was a reality in the reign of Philip and Mary ; and if 
80, at what time it became extinct? — (vol. ii. p. 327.) 

This query led to the following replies : — Your corre- 
spondent H. C. wishes to know whether bondage was a 

K 4 



136 THE LAST OF THE VILLAINS. 

reality in the time of Philip and Mary ; and, if so, when it 
became extinct. It was a reality much later than that, as 
several cases in the books will show. Dyer, who was ap- 
pointed Chief Justice of the Court of Common Fleas in 
1559, settled several in which man claimed property in his 
fellow man, hearing arguments and giving judgment on the 
point whether one should be a ** villein regardant " gr a 
** villein in gross." Lord Campbell, in his Lives of the Chief 
Justices^ gives the following, tried before Dyer, C, J. : 

** A. B., seised in fee of a manor to which a villein was regardant, 
made a feoffment of one acre of the manor by these words : * I have 
given one acre, &c., and further I have given and granted, &c., John 
S^ my villein.' Question, < Does the villein pass to the grantee as a 
villein in gross, or as a villein appendant to that acre ? * The Court 
being equally divided in opinion, no judgment seems to have been 
given."— l^er, 48 b. pL 2. 

Another action was brought before him under these cir- 
cumstances : — Butler, lord of the manor of Badmington, 
in the county of Gloucester, contending that Crouch was 
his villein regardant, entered into certain lands, which 
Crouch had purchased in Somersetshire, and leased them 
to Fleyer. Crouch thereupon disseised Fleyer, who brought 
his action {^gainst Crouch, pleading that Butler and his 
ancestors were seised of Crouch and his ancestors as of 
villeins regardant, from time whereof the memory of man 
runneth not to the contrary. The jury found that Butler 
and his ancestors were seised of Crouch and his ances- 
tors until the first year of the reign of Henry VII. ; but 
confessing themselves ignorant whether in point of law such 
seisin be an actual seisin of the defendant, prayed the opi- 
nion of the Court thereon. Dyer, C. J., and the other 
judges agreed upon this to a verdict for the defendant for 
" the lord having let an hundred years pass without re- 
deeming the villein or his issue, cannot, after that, claim 
them." (Dyer, 266. pi. 11.) 

When Holt was Chief Justice of the King's Bench, an 
action was tried before him to recover the price of a slave 
who had been sold in Virginia. The verdict went for the 



THE LAST OF THE VILLAINS, 137 

plaintiff. In deciding upon a motion made in arrest of 
judgment, Holt, C.t/., said, — "As soon as a negro comes 
into England he is free : one may be a villein in England, 
but not a slave.** {Cases temp, Holty 405.) 

As to the period at which villenage in England became 
extinct, we find in Litt, (sec. 185.) : — 

** Yillenage is supposed to have finally disappeared in the reign of 
James I., but there is great difficulty in saying when it ceased to be 
lawful, for there has been no statute to abolish it ; and by the old 
law, if any freeman acknowledged himself in a court of record to be a 
villein, he and all his after-bom issue and their descendants were 
villeins.*' 

Even 80 late as the middle of the eighteenth century, 
when the great Lord Mansfield adorned the bench, it was 
pleaded " that villenage, or slavery, had been permitted in 
England by the common law; that no statute had ever 
passed to abolish this ^^ status;" and that "although de facto 
villenage by birth had ceased, a man might still make him- 
self a villein by acknowledgment in a court of record." 
This was in the celebrated case of the negro Somerset, in 
which Lord Mansfield first established that "the air of 
England had long been too pure for a slave.'* Li his judg- 
ment he says, — 

- Then what ground is there for saying that the stcUus of 

slavery is now recognised by the law of England? .... At any 
rate, villenage has ceased in England, and it cannot be revived." — 
SL TV., vol. XX. pp. 1—82. 

And Lord Macaulay, in his admirable History of England^ 
speaking of the gradual and silent extinction of villenage, 
then, towards the close of the Tudor period, fast approach- 
ing completion, says : — 

** Some fydnt traces of the institution of villenage were detected by 
the curious as late as the days of the Stuarts ; nor has that institu- 
tion ever to this hour been abolished by statute." 

Teb Bee. 

In Burton*s Leicestershire (published in 1622), some 
(furious remarks occur on this subject. Burton says, under 



138 THE LAST OF THE VILLAINS, 

the head of ** Houghton-on-the-Hill," that the last case he 
could find in print, concerning the claim to a villein, was 
in Mich. 9 & 10 Eliz. {Dj/er, 266. b.), where one Butler, 
Lord of the Manor of Badminton in Gloucestershire, did 
claim one Crouch for his villein regardant to his said 
manor, and made an entry upon Groi;ch's lands in Somer- 
setshire. Upon an answer made by Crouch, an ejectione 
firvMB was brought in the King's Bench ; and upon the evi- 
dence it was moved, that as no seizure of the body had been 
made, or claim set up by the lord, for sixty years preceding, 
none could then be made. The Court held, in accordance 
with this, that no seizure could be made.— -(voL iii. p. 410.) 

Jaytse. 

The slavery which existed in England under the Saxons, 
and which was not entirely obliterated till the beginning of 
the seventeenth century, was more properly called viUenoffe. 
It was, as Blackstone observes : 

<' A species of tenure neither strictly feudal, Norman, nor Saxon, 
but mixed and compounded of them aU." 

This villenage is so graphically described by Blackstone, 
in his Commentaries, that I will quote a few passages. 

** Under the Saxon government there were, as Sir William Temple 
speaks, a sort of people in a condition of downright servitude, used 
and employed in the most servile works ; and belonging, both they, 
their children and effects, to the lord of the soil, like the rest of the 
cattle or stock upon it." — Vol. ii. book ii. c. 6. 

** These villeins, belonging principally to lords of manors, were 
either villeins regardant^ i. e. annexed to the manor or land ; or else 
they were in grou, or at large, i. e. annexed to the person of the lord, 
and transferable by deed from one owner to another. They could 
not leave their lord without his permission ; but if they ran away, 
or were purloined firom him, might be claimed and recovered by 
action, like beasts or other chattels. They held, indeed, small 
portions of land, by way of sustaining themselves and their families ; 
but it was at the mere will of the lord, who might dispossess them 
whenever he pleased ; and it was upon villein services, that is, to 
carry out dung, to hedge and ditch the lord's demesnes, and any 
other the meanest offices. A villein, in short, was in much the same 



MANUMISSION OF VILLEINS. 139 

state with na as Lord Molesworth describes to be that of the boors in 
Denmark, and which Stiemhook attributes also to the treuds or slaves 
in Sweden." — Cap. 6. 

The state of servitude of these villeiDS was not absolute, 
like that of the negroes in. the West Indies ; for as Hallam 
(^Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 149.) observes : 

** It was only in respect of his lord, that the villein, at least in 
England, was without rights ; he might inherit, purchase, sue in the 
courts of law ; though, as defendant in a real action or suit, wherein 
land was claimed, he might shelter himself under the plea of vil- 
lenage." 

Serfage ceased in the reign of Elizabeth. There were, 
however, some solitary instances later : the last instance of 
villenage is recorded in the reign of James I. Much valu- 
able information on this interesting subject will be found 
in BIackstone*s Commentaries (vol. ii. book ii. c. 6.), and in 
Hallam*8 Middle Ages (vol. i. p. 145., and vol. ii. p. 302., 
9th edit., 1846).— (vol. x. p. 39.) F. M. Middleton. 

MAJ^UMISSION OF YILLEms. 

The following curious extract from an ancient MS. now 
in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillips, Bart., of Broad- 
way, contrasts strangely with the views of liberte , egalite, 
&c., of the nineteenth century. 

*<Nota admissioni primo dominus dabit corpus sui villani aliqui 
libero per chartam suam cum tota sequela et omnibus, «uis cataUis 
deinde ille liber donatarius dabit ilium nativum tanquum manu- 
missum. Et a curia sui primi Domini, per capillos diet! manumissi, 
extra faciet deinde primus dominus dabit dicto manumissi, suam 
terram quam primus tenuit in villenagio libere pro certo servitio 
militari seu soccagio pro ut sibi placuerit et hoc per suam chartam." 
— (vol. vi. p. 268.) J. NoAKE. 

THE ORKNEY ISLANDS IN PAWN. 

Dr. Clarke mentions a curious circumstance, which was 
related to him in Norway, by Bernard Auker, of Christiania. 
He said that Great Britain had the Orkney Islands only in 



140 THE ORKNEY ISLANDS IN PAWN 

pawn. Looking over some old deeds and records, belong- 
ing to the Danish crown, at Copenhagen, Mr. Auker found 
that these islands were consigned to England, in lieu of a 
dowry for a Danish princess, married to one of onr English 
kings, upon condition that these islands should be restored 
to Denmark whenever the debt for which they were pledged 
should be discharged. Therefore, as the price of land, and 
the value of money, have undergone such considerable al- 
teration since this period, it is in the power of Denmark, for 
a very small sum, to claim possession of the Orkneys. — (vol. 

Vll. p. 105.) ElBKWAIXENSIS. 

The above note led to the following communications on 
the same subject : — 

It gives me much pleasure to be enabled to inform your 
correspondent Ktrkwalt^nsis that there is no fear of our 
losing these islands in the manner suggested by him, they 
having been renounced by Denmark nearly four hundred 
years ago, as will be seen from the following sket-ch. 

The Orkneys were taken from the Picts about a.d. 838, 
by Kenneth II., king of Scotland, to which kingdom they 
were attached until 1099, when Donald YIII., sumamed 
Bane, brother of Malcolm Canmore, usurped the crown, 
to the prejudice of his nephews Edgar, Alexander, and 
David ; and requiring assistance to maintain his position, 
he applied to Magnus, king of Norway, to whom, says 
Skene, " for help and supply he gave all the isles of Scot- 
land (Camden says the Orkneys only), where, through 
and for other causes, many bloody battles were fought, 
until the battle of Larges, 3rd August, 1260, in the time 
of Alexander III. of Scotland, and Acho, king of Nor- 
way.** The Scots proving victorious, Magnus of Norway, 
son and successor of Acho, made peace with Alexander, 
and renounced and discharged all right and title which 
he or his successors bad, or might have or pretend, to 
the isles of Scotland, the king of Scotland paying therefore 
yearly to the said Magnus and his successors one hundred 
marks of sterling money. This contract was confirmed in 
1312 by Haquin V. of Norway and Robert I. of Scot- 



THE ORKNEY ISLANDS IN PA JFN 141 



land. In 1426 Eric X. of Denmark renewed with James I. 
of Scotland these ancient treaties, particularly with regard 
to the Western Isles : the pension or annuity having been 
long omitted to be paid, Eric now freely gave it up to 
James ; and thus, in appearance, the Orkneys were finally 
confirmed to Scotland ; but virtually it was not so until 
1468, when, says Skene, " at last the said annual, with all 
the arrearages and by-runs thereof, was discharged and re- 
nounced simpliciteTj in the contract of marriage between 
King James III. and Margaret, daughter of Christian L, 
king of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden, on the 8th of Sep- 
tember, 1468 ; which discharge is not only ratified, but re- 
newed thereafter by the said king, on the 12th May, 1469, 
It appears that James III, on the 24th February, 1483, 
commanded his ambassador sent to the Pope to desire a 
confirmation of the said perpetual renunciation and dis- 
charge of the contribution of the Isles." 

According to Dr. Wallace's account (1700), King Chris- 
tian agreed that the isles of Orkney and Zetland should re- 
main in the possession of King James and his successors as 
the Princess Margaret's dower, until either Kin<r Christian 
or his successors should pay to King James or his succes- 
sors the sum of fifty thousand florins of the Rhine ; but in 
the year following, hearing of his daughter's delivery of a 
prince at Edinburgh, he " for joy thereof renounced for 
ever to the crown of Scotland all right or claim to the 
said isles." Beoctuna. 

KiBKWALLENSis sccms to havc been led into an error 
respecting the Orkneys. It is true that Orkney and Shet- 
land belonged to the crown of Norway, to which the Scot- 
tish family of St. Clair, or Sinclair, rendered military 
service for the earldom. It was not, however, to an Eng- 
lish king, but to James III. of Scotland that Christian gave 
the hand of " the Maid of Norway." In the marriage pre- 
liminaries the latter thus stipulates respecting the dower : 
— " Rex credit sexaginta aureorum Rhenensium [floreno- 
rum] millia, ejus summae priusquam h Danse regno sponsa 
digrediatur numeraturus aureorum decern millia, quod verb 



142 THE ORKNEY ISLANDS IN PA WN. 

reliquum esset supplerent insulae regni Norvegici, jam me- 
moratiB, Orcadet, una cum jurisdiclione ac ceteris eodem 
pertiuentibus, hac tamen lege, ut insulas eas, eousque te- 
neat Scotiie Rex sub firma hypotheea donee vel ipse, vel ejus 
heredes, Danin ac Norvegiie Reges, equa vicissim portione 
easdem redimant.** This article was afterwards embodied 
in the marriage contract : — ^^ Etterne insularum Orchaden 
Regi nostro Jacobo impignoraUB^ ad NorvegiiB reges rever- 
tentur, &c. Both documents are preserved in Torfseus 
{Orcades, pp. 188 — 191.). Mr. Auker*s discovery of the 
original is, however, an interesting circumstance, as it 
would seem that the marriage in question was but the re- 
sult of an attempt to settle amicably an ancient dispute 
respecting the sovereignty of the Hebrides — "vetus con- 
troversia de Hsebudis et Mannia magnis utriusque popuH 
cladibus agitata'* — which the king of France, as umpire, 
had been unable to pronounce upon, in consequence of the 
loss or concealment of the original instruments. — (vol. vii. 
p. 183.) W. G. A. 

That the Orkney and Zetland Islands were transferred 
by Denmark to Scotland in 1468, in pledge for payment of 
part of the dower of the Princess of Denmark, who was 
married to James III., king of Scotland, under right of re- 
demption by Denmark, is an admitted historic fact ; but 
it is asserted by the Scottish, and denied by the Danish 
historians, that Denmai'k renounced her right of redemp- 
tion of these islands. The question is fully discussed, with 
references to every work and passage treating of the matter, 
in the first introductory note to the edition of The Oenercd 
Grievances and Oppressions of the Ides of Orkney and Sket' 
land, published at Edinburgh, 1836. And the writer of the 
note is led to the conclusion that there was no renunciation, 
and that Denmark still retains her right of redemption. 
Mr. Samuel Laing, in his Journal of a Residence in Nor^ 
way, remarks, that the object of Torfseus* historical work, 
OrcadeSy sen Rerum Orcadensium Historite libri tres, c(Hn- 
piled by the express command of Christian Y., king of 
Denmark) was to vindicate the right of the Danish monarch 



THE OBKNET ISLANDS IN PAWN. 143 

to redeem the mortgage of the sovereignty of these islands ; 
and he adds, that in 1804, Bonaparte, in a proclamation 
addressed to the army assembled at Boulogne for the in- 
vasion of England, descanted on the claim of Denmark to 
this portion of the British dominions. In a note he has the 
farther statement, that in 1549 an assessment for paying 
off the sum for which Orkney and Zetland were pledged 
was levied in Norway by Christian III. {Vide Laing's JVbr- 
way^ 1837, pp. 352, 353.) From the preceding notice, it 
would appear, that Denmark never renounced her right of 
redemption, now merely a matter of antiquarian curiosity. 
And it is pertinent to mention, that the oonnexion of Orkney 
and Zetland was with Norway, not Denmark. I observe in 
the Catalogue of MSS., in the Cottonian Library in the British 
Museum (Titus C. VIL art. 71. f. 134.), "Notes on King 
of Denmark's Demand of the Orcades, 1587 — 8," which 
may throw some light on the matter. 

In the historical sketch ^ven by Broctunn, Kenneth II., 
king of Scotland, is said to have taken the Orkneys from 
the Picts A. D. 838 ; and that they remained attached to 
that kingdom till 1099, when Donald Bain, in recompense 
of aid given him by Magnus, king of Norway, gifted all 
the Scotch isles, including the Orkneys, to Norway. This 
is not what is understood to be the history of Orkney. 

In the middle of the ninth century, Harold Harfa^er, 
one of the reguli of Norway, subdued the other petty rulers, 
and made himself king of the whole country. The defeated 
party fled to Orkney, and other islands of the west ; whence, 
betaking themselves to piracy, they returned to ravage the 
coast of Norway. Harold pursued them to their places of 
refuge, and conquered and colonised Orkney about a. d. 
875. The Norwegians at that time destroyed or expelled 
the race then inhabiting these islands. They are supposed 
to have been Picts, and to have received Christianity at an 
earlier date, but it is doubtful if there were Christians in 
Orkney at that period ; however, Depping says expressly, 
that Earl Segurd, the second Norwegian earl, expelled the 
Christians from these isles. I may remark, that the names 



144 THE ORKNEY ISLANDS IN PAWN. 

of places in Orkney and Zetland are Norse, and bear de- 
scriptive and applicable meanings in that tongue; but 
hesitate to extend these names beyond the Norwegian colo- 
nisation, and to connect them with the Picts or other ear- 
lier inhabitants. No argument can be founded on the rude 
and miserable subterraneous buildings called Ficts* houses, 
which, if they ever were habitations, or anything else than 
places of refuge, must have belonged to a people in a very 
low grade of civilisation. Be this as it may, Orkney and 
Zetland remained under the Norwegian dominion from the 
time of Harold Harfager till they were transferred to Scot- 
land by the marriage treaty in 1468, a period of about six 
hundred years. What cannot easily be accounted for, is the 
discovery of two Orkney and Zetland deeds of the beginning 
of the fifteenth century, prior to the transfer, written not in 
Norse, but in the Scottish language. — (vii. p. 112.) 

R.W. 
W. H. F., having examined the MS. in the Cottonian 
Library in the British Museum (Titus C. VII. art 71. f. 
134.), "Notes on King of Denmark's Demand of the Or- 
cades," forwarded to Notes and Quebies a copy of the 
only note he observed on this matter : 

** Orcades, 1587. 

** Frederik, King of Denmark, told Daniell Rogers that the King 
of Scotts dallied with him, and that he had not answered him to 
make restitudon of the Orcades when he sewed for his daughter 
Anne to be his wife; neither kept promise in shewing snche tres 
(lettres) as he pretended to have from the King of Denmarke, by 
which it should appear that he weare released from the contract by 
yfch ]iis predecessors were bound at all tymes to be ready uppon the 
receipt of one hundred thousand gilders, to restore the Orcades unto 
the kingdome of Denmarke againe, w^ he must needs have agayne, 
for that the state of his kingdome had putt him in mynde of his 
oath, w«^ he had made when he was contracted." 

It is almost unnecessary to add that the King of Scots 
was James YI. of Scotland, first of England, married to 
the Princess Anne of Denmark. — (xii. p. 254.) 



RIOTS OF London: us 



BIOTS OF LONDON. 

The following correspondence on this subject appeared 
in the 2nd Volume of " Notes and Queries " : — 

Seventy years having passed away since the riots of Lon- 
don, there cannot be many living who remember them, and 
still fewer who were personally in contact with the tumul- 
tuous throng. Under such circumstances, I venture to 
offer for introduction into your useful and entertaining 
miscellany some incidents connected with that event in 
which I was either personally an actor or spectator — things 
not in themselves important, yet which maybe to some 
of your readers acceptable and interesting as records of 
bygone days. 

The events of 1780, in themselves so terrific, were well 
adapted to be written indelibly on the memory of a young 
and ardent boy. At any age they would have been en- 
graved as with an iron pen ; but their occurrence at the 
first age of my early boyhood, when no previous event 
had claimed particular attention, fixed them as a lasting 
memorial. 

The awful conflagrations had not taken place when I ar- 
rived in London from a large school in one of the midland 
counties in England, for the Midsummer vacation. So 
many of my school-fellows resided in the metropolis, or in 
a part of the country requiring a passage through London, 
that three or four closely packed post-chaises were neces- 
sary ; and to accomplish the journey in good time for the 
youngsters to be met by their friends, the journey was 
begun as near to four oVlock a. m. as was possible. 

The chaises, well crowned with boxes, and filled with 
joyoms youth, were received at the Castle and Falcon, then 
kept by a Mr. Dupont, a celebrated wine merchant, and the 
friend of our estimable tutor. The whole of my school- 
mates had been met by their respective friends, and my 
brother and I alone remained at the inn, when at length 
my mother arrived in a hackney-coach to fetch us, and 
from her we learned that the streets were so crowded that 



146 RIOTS OF LONDON, 

she could hardly make her way to us. No tune was lost, 
and we were soon on our way homewards. « We passed 
through Newgate Street and the Old Bailey without inter- 
ruption or delay; but when we came into Ludgate Hill the 
case was far dilSerent ; the street was full and the people 
noisy, permitting no carriage to pass unless the coachman 
took oflT his hat and acknowledged his respect for them 
and the object for which they had congregated. " Hat off, 
coacheel** was their cry. Our coachman would not obey 
their noisy calls, and there we were fixed. Long might 
we hav^ remained in that unpleasant predicament had not 
my foreseeing parent sagaciously provided herself with a 
piece of ribbon of the popular colour, which she used to 
good effect by making it up into a bow with a long streamer 
and pinning it to a white handkerchief, which she courage- 
ously flourished out of the window of the hackney-coach. 
Huzzas and '*Go on, coacheeP* were shouted f^m the 
crowd ; and with no other obstruction than the full streets 
presented, we reached Beaufort Buildings, in the Strand, 
the street in which we resided. 

There a new scene presented itself, which was very im- 
pressive to our young minds. The street was full of sol- 
diers, and the coachman said to my mother, ^* I cannot go 
down." A soldier addressed my mother : ^^ No one, ma*am, 
can go down this street : " to whom my mother replied, " I 
live here, and am going to my own home.** An officer then 
gave permission for us, and the coachman with our box, to 
proceed, and we were soon at our own door. The coach- 
man, ignorant of the passport which the handkerchief and 
ribbon had proved, said, on setting the box down, " You 
see, ma*am, we got 9n without my taking off my hat : for 
who would take off his hat to such a set of fellows ? I 
would rather have sat there all the day long.** 

The assembling of the military in this street was to de- 
fend the dwellings of Mr. Kitchener and Mr. Heron, both 
these gentlemen being Koman Catholics. Mr. Kitchener 
(who was the father of Dr. Kitchener, the author of the 
Cook's Oracle) was an eminent coal merchant| whose wharf 



niOTS OF LONDON, 147 

was by the river- side southward, behind Beaufort Build- 
ings, then called Worcester Grounds*, as the lane leading 
to it was called Worcester Lane : but Mr. Kitchener, or 
his successor Mr. Cox, endeayoured to change it by having 
" Beaufort Wharf ** painted on their wagons. Thus the 
name " Worcester Grounds got lost; but the lane which 
bore the same name got no advantage by the change, for 
it received the appropriate title of "Dirty Lane," used 
only for carts and horses, foot passengers reaching the 
wharf by the steps at the bottom of Fountain Court and 
Beaufort Buildings. 

But to return to my narrative. My parents soon re- 
moved us out of this scene of public confusion, to the house 
of a relative residing at St. Pancras ; and well do I re- 
member the painful interest with which, as soon as it got 
dark, the whole family of my uncle used to go on the roof 
of the house and count the number of fires, guessing the 
place of each. The alarm was so great, though at a dis- 
tance, that it was always late before the family retired to 
rest. I remained at St. Pancras until the riots had been 
subdued and peace restored ; and now, though very many 
matters crowd my mind, as report after report then reached 
us, I will leave them to record only what I personally saw 
and heard. 

Before the vacation was ended, the trials of the prisoners 
had preceded, and I went to a friend's house to see some 
condemned ones pass to execution. The house from which 
I had this painful view has been removed : the site is now 
the road to Waterloo Bridge. I believe it was because a 
lad was to be executed that I was allowed to go. The 
mournful procession passed up St. Catherine's Street, and 
from the distance I was, I could only see that the lad in 
height did not reach above the shoiUders of the two men 
between whom he sat, who, with him, were to be executed 



* Mr. Cunningham, vol. 1. p. 69., gives an interesting quotation 
from Strype respecting Worcester House, which gave the name of 
•* Worcester Grounds" to Mr. Kitchener's property. 

L 2 



148 RIOTS OF LONDON, 

in Russell Street. Universal and deep was the sympathy 
expressed towards the youth from the throng of people, 
which was considerable. As it was long before the street 
was sufficiently cleared to allow us to return home, the re- 
port came that the execution was oyer, and that the boy 
was so light that the executioner jumped on him to break 
his neck : and such was the effect of previous sympathy, 
that a feeling of horror was excited at the brutality (as 
they called it) of the action ; but, viewing it calmly, it was 
wise, and intended kindly to shorten the time of suffering. 
While thus waiting, I heard an account of this boy*s trial. 
A censure was expressed on the government for hanging 
one so young, when it was stated that this boy was the 
only one executed, though so many were guilty, as an ex- 
ample, as the proof of his guilt was unquestionable. A 
witness agfdnst him on the trial said, *^ I will swear that I 
have seen that boy actively engaged at several conflagra- 
tions.** He was rebuked for thus positively speaking by the 
opposite counsel, when he said, ** I am quite sure it is the 
active boy I have seen so often ; for I was so impressed with 
his flagrant conduct that I cut a piece out of his clothes : *' 
and putting his hand into his pocket, he pulled out the 
piece which he had cut off, which exactly fitted to the 
boy's jacket. This decided his execution : yet justice was 
not vindictive, for very few persons were executed. 

I will trespass yet further on your pages to recite one 
other incident of the riots that occurred in connexion with 
the attack on the King*s Bench prison, and the death of 
Allen, which made a great stir at the time. The incident 
I refer to happened thus :^ At the gate of the prison two 
sentinels were placed. One of these was a fine-built young 
man, full six fdiet high : he had been servant to my father. 
On the day Allen was shot, or a day or two after, he came 
to my father for protection : my father having a high opi- 
nion of his veracity and moral goodness, took him in, and 
sheltered him until quiet was restored. His name was 
M*Phin, or some such name ; but as he was always called 
" Mac" by us, I do not remember his name perfectly. He 



RIOTS OF LONDON. 149 

stated that he and his fellow-soldier, while standing as sen- 
tries at the prison, were attacked by an uproarious mob, 
and were assailed with stones and brickbats; — that his 
companion called loudly to the mob, and said, '^ I will not 
fire until I see and mark a man that throws at us, and then 
he shall die. I don't want to kill the innocent, or any one ; 
but he that flings at us shall surely die.** Young Allen 
threw a brick-bat, and ran off; but Mac said, his fellow- 
soldier had seen it, and marked him. The crowd gave way ; 
off went Allen and the soldier after him. Young Allen 
ran on, the soldier pursuing him, till he entered his father's 
premises, who was a cow-keeper, and there the soldier shot 
him. Popular fury turned upon poor Mac ; and so com- 
pletely was he thought to be the "murderer** of young 
Allen that 600L was offered by the mob for his discoTcry. 
But my good father was faithful to honest Mac, and he lay 
secure in one of our upper rooms until the excitement was 
over. 

Allen's funeral was attended by myriads, and a monument 
was erected to his memory (which yet remains, I believe) 
in Newington churchyard, speaking lies in the face of the 
sun. If it were important enough, it deserves erasure as 
much as the false inscription, on London*s monument. 

As soon as the public blood was cool, "Mac** surrendered 
himself, was tried at the Old Bailey, and acquitted. 

Should it be in the power of any of the readers of your 
interesting miscellany, by reference to the Session Papers, 
to give me the actual name of poor " Mac,** I shall feel 
obliged. — ^Vol. ii. p. 273. Senex. 

The reminiscences of your correspondent Senex concern- 
ing the riots of London in the last century form an inte- 
resting addition to the records of those troubled times ; but 
in all these matters correctness as to dates and facts are of 
immense importance. The omission of a date, or the nar- 
ration of events out of their pi'oper sequence, will some- 
times create vast and most mischievous confusion in the 
mind of the reader. Thus, from the order in which Senex 
has stated his reminiscences, a reader unacquainted with 

l8 



ISO RIOTS OF LONDON. 

the events of the time will be likely to assume that the 
"attack on the King's Bench prison" and "the death of 
Allen** arose out of, and formed part and parcel of, the 
Gordon riots of 1780, instead of one of the Wilkes tumults 
of 1768. By the way, if Sbnex was " personally either an 
actor or spectator" in this outbreak, he fully establishes his 
claim to the signature he adopts. I quite agree with him 
that monumental inscriptions are not always remarkable 
for their truth, and that the one in this case may possibly 
be somewhat tinged with popular prejudice or strong pa- 
rental feeling ; but, at all events, there can be but little 
doubt that poor Allen, whether guilty or innocent, was shot 
by a soldier of the Scotch regiment, be his name what it 
may ; and further, the deed was not the effect of a random 
shot fired upon the mob, — for the young man was chased 
into a cow-house, and shot by his pursuer, away from the 
scene of conflict. 

Noorthouck, who published his History of London^ 1773, 
thus speaks of the affair : — 

<< The next day» May 10. (1768), produced a more fatal instance of 
rash violence against the people on account of their attachment to 
the popular prisoner (Wilkes) in the King's Bench. The parliament 
being to meet on that day to open the session, great numbers of the 
populace thronged about the prison from an expectation that Mr. W. 
would on that occasion recover his liberty ; with an intention to con- 
duct him to the House of Commons. On being disappointed they 
grew tumultuous, and an additional party of the third regiment of 
Guards were sent for. Some foolish paper had been stuck up against 
the prison wall, which a justice of the peace, then present, was not 
very wise in taking notice of, for ^hen he took it down the mob in- 
sisted on having it from him, which he not regarding, the riot grew 
louder, the drums beat to arms, the proclamation was read, and while 
it was reading some stones and bricks were thrown. William Allen , 
a young man, son of Mr. Allen, keeper of the Horse Shoe Inn in 
Blackman Street, and who, as appeared afterwards^ was merely a quiet 
spectator, being pursued along with others, was unfortunately singled 
out and followed by three soldiers into a cow-house, and shot dead ! 
A number of horse-grenadiers arrived, and these hostile measures 
having no tendency to disperse the crowd, which rather increased, 
the people were fired upon^ five or six were killed, and about fifteen 



RIOTS OF LONDON. 151 

wounded ; among which were two women, one of whom afterwards 
died in the hospitaL 

The author adds,— - 

" The soldiers wore next day publicly thanked by a letter from the 
Secretary-at-War in his master's name. McLaughlin, who actually 
killed the inoffensive Allen, was withdrawn from justice and could 
never be found, so that though his two associates Donald Maclaine 
and Donald Maclaury, with their commanding officer Alexander 
Murray, were proceeded against for the murder, the prosecution 
came to nothing and only contributed to heighten the general dis- 
content." 

With respect to the monument In St. Mary's, Newington, 
I extract the following from the Oxford Magazine for 1769, 
p. 39. :— 

"Tuesday, July 25. A fine large marble tombstone, elegantly 
finished, was erected over the grave of Mr. Allen, junr., in the church • 
yard of St. Mary, Newington, Surry. It had been placed twice be- 
fore, but taken away on some disputed points. On the sides are the 
following inscriptions: — 

North Side, 

Sacred to the Memory of 

William Allen, 

An Englishman of unspotted life and amiable disposition, [who was 

inhumanely murdered near St. George's Fields, the 10th day of May 

1768, by the Scottish detachment from the army.] • 

** His disconsolate parents, inhabitants of this parish, caused this 
tomb to be erected to an only son, lost to them and the world, in his 

twentieth year, as a monument of his virtues and their affections.*' 

• • • * « 

At page 53. of the same volume is a copperplate repre- 
senting the tomb. On one side appears a soldier leaning 
on his musket. On his cap is inscribed " 3rd Regt. ;*' his 
right hand points to the tomb ; and a label proceeding from 
his mouth represents him saying, " I have obtained a pen- 
sion of a shilling a day only for putting an end to thy days." 
At the foot of the tomb is represented a large thistle, from 

* A foot-note informs us that ** a white-wash is put over these 
lines between the crotchets." 

L 4 



' 



152 BIOTS OF LONDON. 

the centre of which proceeds the words, '^ Murder screened 
and rewarded." 

Accompanying this print are, among other remarks, the 
following: — 

** It was generally believed that he was m d by one Maclane, 

a Scottish soldier of the 3d Reg*. The father prosecated, Ad n 

undertook the defence of the soldier. The solicitor of the Treasury, 
Mr. Nuthall, this deputy-solicitor, Mr. Francis, and Mr. Barlow of 
the Crown Office, attended the trial, and it is said, paid the whole 
expence for the prisoner out of the Treasury, to the amount of a yeiy 
considerable sum. The defence set up was, that young Allen was 
not killed by Maclane, but by another Scottish soldier of the same 
regiment, one M'Laughlin, who confessed it at the time to the justice, 
as the justice says, thoagh he owns he took no one step against a 
person who declared himself a murderer in the most express terms. 
.... The perfect innocence of the young man as to the charge of 
being concerned in any riot or tumult, is universally acknowledged, 
and a more general good character is nowhere to be found. This 
McLaughlin soon made his escape, therefore was a deserter as well 
M a murtherer, y^t he has had a discharge sent him with an allow- 
ance of a shilling a day.*' 

Maclane was most probably the " Mac *' alluded to by 
Senex ; but his account differs in so many respects from 
contemporaneous records that I have ventured to trespass 
somewhat largely upon your space. I may add, that I by 
no means agree in the propriety of erasing a monumental 
inscription of more than eighty years* existence without 
some much stronger proof of its falsehood ; for I quite co- 
incide with the remarks of Rev. D. Lysons, in his allusion 
to this monument {Surrey, p. 393.), that 

** Allen was illegally killed, whether he was concerned in the riots 
or not, tu he wcu shot apart from the mob at a time when he mi^^, ifne^ 
ceseary, have been apprehended xmd brought tojuttice.** 

Vol. ii. p. 332. E. B. Price. 

The Rev. Dr. John Free* preached a sermon on the 
above occasion (which was printed) from the 24th chapter 

* Dr. Free was of Christchurch, Oxford, and perhaps some of 
your readers may know where his biography is. 



RIOTS OF LONDON. Voi 

of Leviticus, 21st and 22nd verses, **He that killeth a 
man,** &c. ; and he boldly and fearlessly denominates the 
act as a murder, and severely reprehends those in authority 
who screened and protected the murderer. The sermon is 
of sixteen pages, and there is an appendix of twenty-six 
pages, in which are detailed various depositions, and all the 
circumstances connected with the catastrophe. — (Yol. ii. 
p. 333.) § N. 

Your correspondent Senex will find in Malcolm's Anec 
dotes of London (vol. ii. p. 74.), " A summary of the trial 
of Donald Maclane, on Tuesday last, at Guildford Assizes^ 
for the murder of William Allen, Jun., on the 10th of May 
last, in St. George*s Fields.**— (Vol. ii. p. 334.) 

R. Babker, Juk. 

Will you do me the favour to insert the following at- 
tempt to set right and disentangle the thread of my narra- 
tive respecting the death of young Allen ? Certain it is 
that I was not an actor nor spectator in the riots of 1768, 
for they occurred some little time before I was born ! It 
is equally certain that a man well remembered by me as 
our servant, whose name was " Mac,** was a soldier con- 
cerned in the affair of Allen*s death. As all the three sol-* 
diers had the prefix of *' Mac,** to their names, I cannot tell 
which of them it was, but it was not the man who really 
shot Allen, and urns never again heard of; for *'Mac,** 
whom I so well remember, must have lived with my father 
after the affair of 1768, or / could not have known him. In 
my youthful remembrance, I have blended the story about 
him with the riots which I had witnessed in 1780 : this is 
the best and only explanation I can give. Sure I am, that 
all my father related to me of that man was true. I pre- 
sume the ** Mac** I knew must have been Maclane, as your 
correspondent E. B. Price thinks probable, because of his 
trial and acquittal, which agrees with my father*s statement ; 
and especially as he was singled out and erroneously ac- 
cused of the crime — as the quotation above referred to 
states. All I can say is, I can relate no more ; I have told 
the story as I remember it, and for myself can only apolo- 



1 



154 RIOTS OF LONDON, 

gise that (though not so old as to witness the riots of 1768) 
I am old enough to experience that Time has laid his hand 
not only on my head to whiten my locks, but in this in- 
stance compels me to acknowledge that even the memories 
of my early days are, like the present, imperfect. The fai- 
lure is with me, not with my father. 

This vindication of my honoured parentis undoubted 
▼eracity reminds me of a circumstance that I have read or 
heard in a trial with regard to a right of way across an en- 
closure. Several aged men had given their evidence, when 
one said, "• I remember that a public footpath for more than 
100 years." "How old are you?" said the counsel. 
" Somewhere about eighty,'* was the reply. " How then 
do you remember the path for 100 years ? " "I remember 
(said the old man firmly), when a boy, sitting on my father's 
knee, and he told me of a robbery that took place on that 
footpath ; and so I know it existed Men, for my father never 
told a lie,^^ The point was carried, and the footpath re- 
mains open to this day, to tell to all generations the beauty 
of truth.— (VoL ii. p. 446.) Senbx. 

In Malcolm's Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of 
London during the eighteenth Century^ 4to. 1808, there is a 

" Summary of the Trial of Donald Haclane, on Tuesday last, at 
Guildford Aasizes, for the murder of William Allen, Jun., on the lOtli 
of May last in St George's Fields." 

Upon the trial mention was made of the paper stuck up 
against the walls of the King's Bench Prison, from which it 
appears that it contiuned the following : — 

** Let • • • Judges, Ministers combine. 
And here great Wilkes and Liberty confine ; 
Yet in each English heart secure thehr fame is, 

In spite of crowded levies at St J *s. 

Then while in prison Envy dooms their stay, 
Here grateful Britons daily homage pay." 

The inscription upon the tomb of William Allen was 
visible in 1817, and In addition to the inscription on the 
north side, which was printed in *•*' Notes and Queries " 
(VoL iL p. 333.), was as follows : — 



LAMBERT, THE **ARCff'REBELL.'* 155 



South Side. 

«* O disembody'd soul ! most rudely driven 
From this low orb (our sinfiil seat) to Heaven, 
While filial piety can please the ear, 
Thy name will still occur for ever dear : 
This very spot now humaniz*d shall crave 
From all a tear of pity on thy grave. 
O flower of flow'rs ! which we shall see no more,'\ 
No kind returning Spring can thee restore, > 

Thy loss thy hapless countrymen deplore. J 

Eatt Side. 
" earth I cover not thou my blood."— ^06, xvi 18. 

West Side. 

** Take away the wicked from before the King, and His throne 
shall be established in righteousness." — Prov. xziii. 5. 

Fifteen months afterwards the father of William Allen 
presented a petition to his Majesty for vengeance on the 
murderers of hia son. — (Vol. ii. p. 446.) O. Smith. 



LAMBEBT, THE ** ABCH-BEBELL." 

Mr. Hallam (Const Hist, vol. ii. p. 26. ed. 1850), after 
some remarks on the execution of Vane, who was brought 
to trial together with Lambert in 1661, asserts that the 
latter, " whose submissive behaviour had furnished a con- 
trast with that of Vane, was sent to Guernsey, and remained 
a prisoner for thirty years." Mr. Hallam does not quote 
his authority for this statement, which I also find in the 
older biographic il dictionaries. There exists, however, in 
the library of the Plymouth Athenaeum, a MS. record which 
apparently contradicts it. This is a volume csHledPlimmoutk 
Memoirs, collected by James Yonge, 1684. It contains " a 
catalogue of all the Mayors, together with the memorable 
occurrences in their respective years," beginning in 1440. 
Yonge himself lived in Plymouth, and the later entries are 
therefore made from his own knowledge. There are two 
concerning Lambert : — 



156 LA3IBERT, THE ** ARCH-REBELLr 

** 1667. Lambertf the arcA-re&e/2^ hromght pntomar to this Hand,** 

[The Island of St. Nicbolas at the entrance of the harbour, 
fortified firom a very earlj period.] 

« 1683, Easter day. My Lord Dartmouth arrived in PUmiii«. from 
Tangier. In March, Sir 6: Jeffiry, the fiunonsly [Query, mfanumsbf'] 
loyal Lord Chief Justice, came hither from Lannceston assize : lay 
at the Mayor's: viewed y* citadells, M* Edgecnmbe, &c. 

<* The winter of this yeare proved very seveare. East wind, frost, 
and snow, continued three moneths : so that ships were starved in 
the mouth of the channell, and almost all the cattel famisht. Y* 
fish left y* coast almost 5 moneths. All provisions excessive deare ; 
and had we not had a frequent supply frt>m y* East, come would 
have been at 80*. per bushell, — above 130,000 bushells being imported 
hither, besides what went to Dartm% Fowy, &a 

** The Thames was fit>zen up some moneths, so that it became a 
small citty, with boothes, coffee houses, taverns, glasse houses, print- 
ing, bull-baiting, shops of all sorts, and whole streetes made on it. 
The birdes of the aire died numerously. Lamheri, that olde reAeB, 
difed this winter on Plimm9. Idand, where he had been prisoner 15 years 
and mo" 

The trial of Lambert took place in 1661. He may have 
been sent at first to Guernsey, but could only have re- 
mained there until removed in 1667 to Plymouth. His 
imprisonment altogether lasted twenty-one years. 

Lambert's removal to Plymouth has, I believe, been 
hitherto unnoticed. Probably it was thought a safer (and 
certainly, if he were confined in the little island of St. Ni- 
cholas, it was a severer) prison than Guernsey. — (Vol. iv» 
p. 339.) Richard John King. 

Myles Halhead, as member of the Society of Friends, 
being at Plymouth in the year 1673, conceived that it was 
his duty to pay a visit to Lambert, who was then a prisoner 
on the island of St. Nicholas in Plymouth Sound. Myles* 
own account of this visit and of his conversation with Lam- 
bert may interest the readers of " Notes and Quebies,** 
not only inasmuch as it illustrates the valuable Note made 
by Mb. Richabd John King, but also because it places 
the character of the unfortunate old general in a favourable 
light. The account runs thus : — 



LAMBERT, THE " ARCff-REBELLJ' 157 

** So I went to a Friend to desire him to procure a vessel that I 
might pass over to a little island near the King's great fort in Ply- 
mouth, that I might speak to John Lambert, who was a prisoner in 
that island, and a vessel we procured and passed to the island the 
same day, and there we found a strong guard of soldiers. A lieutenant 
asked me. What was my business to the island? I said I desire to 
speak to John Lambert : and then he asked me. If I was ever a 
captain under his command ? And I said. No. The soldiers were 
very quiet and moderate : I desired the lieutenant to bring me to 
John Lambert ; and so he did ; and when I came before him I said, 
Priend, is thy name John Lambert? And he said, Yea : then said I 
onto him. Friend, I pray thee hear what the servant of the Lord hath 
to say to thee. 

** Friend, the Lord Grod made use of thee and others for the deliver- 
ance of His people : and when you cryed to Him He delivered you in 
your distresses, as at Dunbar and other places, and gave you an 
opportunity into your hands to do good, and you promised what 
great things you would do for the Lord's people ; but truly John 
Lambert you soon forgot your promises you made to the Lord in 
that day and time of your great distress, and turned the edge of 
your sword against the Lord's servants and hand-maids whom He 
lent forth to declare His eternal truth ; and made laws, and consented 
to laws, and suffered and permitted laws to be made against the 
liOrd's people. 

''Then John Lambert answered and said. Friend, I would have 
you to know, that some of us never made nor consented to laws to 
persecute you nor none of your friends, for persecution we ever were 
against, 

" I answered and said, John Lambert, it may be so ; but the Scrip- 
ture of truth is fulfilled by the best of you : for although that thee 
and some others have not given your consent to make laws against 
the Lord's people, yet ye suffered and permitted it to be made and 
done by others ; and when power and authority was in your hands, 
you might but have spoken the word and the servants and hand- 
maids of the Lord might have been delivered out of the devourer's 
hands ; but nrnie was found amongst you that woidd he seen to plead the 
cause of the innocent; so the Lord God of life was grieved with yon, 
because you sleighted the Lord and His servants, and began to set up 
your self-interest, and lay field to field, and house to house, and make 
your names great in the earth ; then the Lord took away your power 
and authority, your manhood and your boldness, and caused you to 
flee before your enemies, and your hearts fainted for fear, and some 
ended their days in grief and sorrow, and some lie in holes and caves 
to this day ; so the Lord God of Heaven and Earth will give a just 



^mmm^mmmmam^^m^^^ \ j * 



158 LAMBERT, THE ** ARCH-REBELLr 



reward to eveiy one according to his works: so my dear Friend, 
prize the great love of God to thee, who hath not given thy life into 
the hands of the devourers, but hath given thee thy life for a prey, 
and time to prepare thyself, that thoa mayst end thy days in peace . 

Glory and honour, and living eternal praises to be given and returned 
to the Lord God and the Lamb for ever. 

** So when I had cleared myself, he desired me to sit down, and so 
I did ; and he called for beer, and gave me to drink ; and when he 
had done, he said to me. Friend, I do believe thou speakest to me in 
love, and so I take it. Then he asked me, If I was at Dunbar fight? 
I answered. No. Then he said to me. How do you know what great 
danger we were in at that time ? I answered, A little time after the 
fight I came that way and laid me down on the side of the mountain 
for the space of two hours, and viewed the town of Dunbar and the 
ground about it, where the English army lay ; how the great ocean 
sea was on the one hand of them, and the hills and mountains on the 
other hand, and the great Scotch army before and behind them : 
then I took it into a serious consideration the great danger the Eng- 
lish were in, and thought within myself, how greatly Englishmen 
were engaged to the great Lord of life for their deliverance, to serve 
Him in truth and uprightness of heart all the days of their appointed 
time. Truly, John, I never saw thy face before that I knew thee, 
although I have been brought before many of our English com- 
manders in the time of Oliver Cromwell. 

**Then John said, I pray yon what commanders did yoa know? 
I knew Fleetwood, and have been before him when he was deputy 
in Ireland, and I knew General Disborrow, and have often been 
before him ; and I knew Collonel Phenick, and hath been before.him 
when he was gouemour of Edenbrough and the town of Leeth, in 
Scotland, and many more. 

** John Lambert said, I knew the most of these men to be very 
moderate, and ever were against persecution. 

** And I said. Indeed they were very moderate, and would not be 
much seen to persecute or be severe with the Lord's people; but 
truly John, they could suffer and permit others to do it, and took 
little notice of the sufiering of the people of God ; so none were found 
to plead our catMe, but the Lord Goid of life and love. Glory be given 
and returned to His name for evermore. 

** Then Lambert answered and said* Altho* yon and your friends 
suffered persecution, and some hardship in that time, your cause 
therein is never the worse for that I answered and said. That was 
very true, but let me tell thee John, in the plainness of my heart, 
that 's no thank to you, but glory to the Lord for ever. 



LAMBERT, THE ** ARCff-REBELL.** 169 

** So he, and his wife, and two of his daughters, and myself, and a 
Friend of Plimoath, discoursed two hours or more in love and plain- 
ness of heart ; for my heart was full of love to him, his wife, and 
children ; and when I was free, I took my leave of them, and parted 
with them in love." — Suffering* and Passages ofMyhs Hothead, 1690. 

. It is not easy to understand Myles* assertion that " none 
was found amongst you that would be seen to plead the cause 
of the innocent:" for it must be acknowledged, to the credit 
of the parliamentarians, that several of their leading men 
(lid sometimes interfere openly and successfully to restrain 
the persecution which the early "Friends" continually 
drew upon themselves by their bold and frequent denun- 
ciations of a hireling clergy, sometimes uttered in the 
market-place, sometimes in the very parish church. 
William Penn gratefully records — 

«< the tender and singolar indolgence of Judge Bradshaw and Judge 

Fell 

especially Judge Fell, who was not only a check to their the [clergy's] 
rage in the course of legal proceedings, but otherwise upon occasion, 
and finally countenanced this people; for his wife receiving the 
truth with the first, it had that influence upon his spirit, being a just 
and wise man, and seeing in his own wife and family a full confuta- 
tion to all the popular clamours against the way of truth, that he 
covered them what he could, and freely opened his doors and gave 
up his house to his wife and her Friends." 

George Fox also mentions that — 

** the said Judge Fell was very serviceable in his day and time, to 
stop the rage of the priests, justices, and rude multitude." 

And he relates further that, upon one occasion, in the year 
1652, when — 

** Many priests appeared against me and Friends ; Judge Fell, and 
Justice West, stood up nobly for us and the truth ; and our adver- 
saries were confounded ; so that he was as a wall for God's people 
against them. And afterwards he came to see beyond the priests, 
and at his latter end seldom went to hear them in that [Ulverston] 
parish. 

Moreover the Protector himself, on being informed in 



160 LAMBERT, THE ** ARCH-REBELL.** 

the year 1656 that George Fox, and others, were ill-used 
in Cornwall, sent down an order to the govemour of Pen- 
dennis Castle to examine the matter ; and Fox says : — 

** This was of great service in the country: for afterwards Friends 
might have spoken in any market-place or steeple-house thereabouts, 
and none would meddle with them.** 

To this may be added, that after the deaths of the lord 
president Bradshaw, Judge Fell, and Oliver Cromwell, the 
soldiers being rude and troublesome at Friends' meetings, 
Greneral Monk gave forth an order, dated 9th March, 1659, 
requiring 

** All officers and soldiers to forbear to disturb the peaceable meetings 
of the Quakers, they doing nothing prejudicial to the parliament or 
commonwealth." — (VoL vL p. 103.) 

J. Leweltn Cubtis. 

In the Macclesfield Correspondence (vol. ii. p. 31.) is a 
letter from the Kev. Thomas Baker to Collins, as is sup- 
posed, dated Sept. 4, 78, which ends thus : — 

** Major-Creneral Lambert, prisoner at Plymouth, hath sent me 
these problems to be solved. I desire the solutions of them (having 
sent mine to him) : 

•«Prob. 1. a : blleld 

aa + bb + cc + dd^250, 

i + 6 = c. 

a + 9=A Qa, a,b,e,df 

"Prob. 2. aa + 66 + cc + da= 766. 
6 + 6=c. 
6-9=0. QvL.a,hfC,df 

(Vol. vi. p. 183.)--M. 

Noble, in his House of Cromwell, vol. i. p. 369., says, 
Mrs. Lambert has been supposed to have been partial to 
the Protector ; *' that her name was Fra, an elegant and 
accomplished woman. She had a daughter, married to a 
Welsh judge, whom she survived, and died in January, 
1736"7.'*--(VoL vii. p. 237.) , G. 

Major-General Lambert appears, from a meagre memoir 
of him given in the History of McUfiam in Yorkshire^ by 



LAMBERT, THE " ARCH-REBELL:* 161 

Thomas Hursley : 8yo. 1786, to have descended from a 
very ancient family in that county. According to the 
register of Kirkby Malhamdale, he was born at Calton 
Hall, in that parish, 7th of September, 1619, and lost his 
father at the age of thirteen. On the 10th of September, 
1639, he married Frances, daughter of his neighbour Sir 
William Lister, of Thornton, in Craven, then in her seven- 
teenth year, and said to have been a most elegant and ac- 
complished lady. Nothing seems to be known as to the 
precise time or place of the death of Lambert or his wife, 
beyond the tradition of his having been imprisoned in 
Cornet Castle, in the island of Guernsey, after the Resto- 
ration, and that he remained in confinement thirty years. 
His marriage is confirmed in the account of Lord Ribbles- 
dale's family in Collins' Peerage^ vol. viii. edition Brydges. 
John Lambert, son and heir of the major-general, married 
Barbara, daughter of Thomas Lister, of Arnoldsbigging, 
and had by her three sons, who all died v. p., and one 
daughter, who was the wife of Sir John Middleton, of 
Belsay Castle, in Northumberland, and became the heir- 
general of her family. Fepys speaks of Lady Lambert in 
1668. Bratbeookb.— (vii. p. 269.) 

Lord Bratbrooke speaks of a tradition of Major-Gene- 
ral Lambert's having been imprisoned in Cornet Castle, in 
the island of Guernsey, afler the Restoration. The fol- 
lowing documents, copies of which exist in Guernsey, will 
prove that he really was kept as a prisoner in that island : 

Charles R. 

Upon suite made unto us by Mrs. Lambert, for liberty 
for herself and children to goe to and remaine w^** her hus- 
band Collonell Lambert yo' prisoner. Wee, graciously in- 
clyninge to gratifye her in that request, have thought fitt 
to signify our royall pleasure to you in that particular, 
willing Bui requiring you, upon sight hereof, to suffer 
the said Mrs. Lambert, her three children, and three maid- 
servants, to goe and remaine w^^ the said Mr. Lambert, 
under the same confinement he himselfe is, untill o' further 

M 



162 LAMBERT, THE ** ARCff-REBELLy 



pleasure be knowne. And for 8oe doinge this shalbe j' 
warrant. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 17^ day 
Febr., 166}. By his Ma^ Comand, 

£dw. Nicholas* 

To our right trusty and wellbeloved Counsello' 
S' Hugh Pollard, K"* and Bar*, Govemo' of our 
Island of Guernsey and Castle there, or to 
other our (roverno' for y® tyme beinge, and in 
his absence to his Deputy Goyerno*^. 
This is a true copie of his Ma*' Warrant. * 

(Signed) Hugh Follabde. 
[In dorso.] 
The King's order for Lambert's children. 

In 1662, Christopher Lord Hatton was appointed Go- 
vernor of Guernsey, upon which the following warrant was 
issued : 

Charles R. 

Our will and pleasure is, That you take into your cus- 
tody the person of John Lambert, commonly called CoUo- 
nell Lambert, and keepe him close prisoner, as a condemned 
traytor, untill further order from us, for which this shall 
be your warrant. Given at our Court at Hampton Court, 
this 25^ day of July, 1662. 

By his Ma*^' Comand, 

Edw. Nicholas. 

To our trusty and welbeloved Councellor y* Lord 
Hatton, Governor of our Island of Guernsey, 
and to the Lieutenant Governo' thereof or his 
Deputy. 

Lambert to Guernsey. 

Four months later the following order was issued : 

Charles R. 

Our will and pleasure is, That from sight hereof you 
give such liberty and indulgence to Collonell John Lam- 
bert your prisoner, within the precincts of that our island, 
as will consist with the security of his person, and as in 



LAMBERT, THE ** ARCH-REBELL." 163 



your discretion you shall think fitt; and that this favour 
be continued to him till you receive our order to the con- 
trary, allwayes understood, that tie the sayd Collonell Lam- 
bert show himself worthy thereof in his comportment, and 
entertaine noe correspondencyes to the prejudice of our 
service, for which this shall be your warrant. Given at our 
Court at Whitehall, November the eighteenth, one thousand 
six hundred sixty- two, 

By his Ma^ command, 

HeNBTE BsNIfET. 

To our trusty and well-beloved Counsellor the 
Lord Hatton, our govern' of our Island of 
Guernsey, to his Leiftenant Govemour, or other 
officer commanding in chief there. 

Liberty of the Island to Mr. Lambert. 

[In dorso.] 

The King's order for Mr. Lambert's liberty. 

In Rees's Cyclopcedia, art. Amabtijjs, sect. 27., A, Sar- 
niensis^t Guernsey lily, I find the following statement : 
" It was cultivated at Wimbledon, in England, by Greneral 
Lambert, in 1659." As Guernsey, during the civil wars, 
sided with the Parliament^ it is probable that Lambert 
procured the roots from some friend in the island. 

The exact date of his arrival as a prisoner in Guernsey 
is fixed by a sort of journal kept by Pierre Le Roy, school- 
master and parish clerk of St. Martin de la Bellouse in 
that island, who says : 

"Le 17* de 9vembre, 1661, est arriv^ an Ch&teau Cornet, Jean 
Lambert, g^n^all des rebelles sect^s en Anglet^rre, ennemy du roy, 
et y est constitu^ prisonnier poor sa vie." 

There is no tradition in the island of his having died 
there. I remember to have read, but cannot at present 
remember where, that he died a Roman Catholic. 

Edgar MacCuij:.och. — (vii. p. 459.) 



M 2 



164 CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS 



CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS IN HENRY Vni.'s REIGN. 

4 

The Rev. Henry Walter writes as follows : — Reading 
Macaulay*8 Critical Essays, I perceive that in 1830, when 
reviewing Southej*s Colloquies on Society, he has said : 

"Let them add to all this the fact, that 72,000 persons suffered 
death by the hands of the executioner during the reign of Henry 
YIIL, and judge between the nineteenth and the sixteenth century.'* 

Whether Mr. Macaulay*s subsequent more extensive 
historical researches would let him still call that &fact, I 
cannot presume to say. But it is notoriously referred to as 
a fact, by popular speakers or writers, from time to time ; 
and your useful publication is favourable to having the 
question so ventilated, as either to put an end to the 
assumption of this imaginary proof of the ferocity of Eng- 
lish tribunals temp. Henry YIIL, or to elicit some trust- 
worthy evidence of its being a fact. 

To unreflecting readers of English history it may be 
enough that Hume has said at the close of his account of 
Henry VIIL, ch. xxxiii. : — 

** The prisoners in the kingdom for debts and crimes are asserted 
in an act of parliament to be 60,000 persons and above ; which is 
scarcely credible. Harrison asserts that 72,000 criminals were exe- 
cuted during this reign for theft and robbery, which would amount 
nearly to 2,000 a year." 

The credit due to such an assertion as the first, from its 
baving been introduced into an act of parliament, can differ 
very little from the credit due to its independent proba- 
bility. For so gross was the ignorance of national statistics 
prevalent in that age, that an observant and conscientious 
member of the inns of court, Mr. Simon Fish, could gravely 
tell the public, in his noted address to Henry VIII., styled 
21ie Supplication of Beggars, that there were 52,000 parish 
churches within the realms of England, and could found 
upon this statement a methodical calculation of consider- 
able importance, whilst modem returns reduce the number 
of parishes below 11,000. 



IN HENBY riirS REIGN. 165 

As to Harrison's assertion in the Historical Treatise ap- 
pended to Holinshed's Chronicles, I have not seen it for 
some years, and have not access to it at present ; but unless 
mj memory deceives me, he made the assertion on no better 
authority than that of the Bishop of Tarbes, whom Francis I. 
sent to England ; that prelate's dislike to Henry's proceed- 
ings, and to the anti-papal spirit of our nation, made him 
but too willing to believe any slander against either, whilst 
the tale suits Harrison's object, which was to set forth the 
advantages enjoyed by Elizabeth's subjects, the progress of 
wealth and civilisation, as compared with their state under 
her father's reign. 

When we come to the earliest authority for any historical 
statement, it is always prudent to consider whether the author 
could have known what he states to be true. There is no 
probability that Henry's parliament had required such 
returns from all the gaols in the kingdom as would entitle 
its assertion respecting the number of prisoners to the 
weight belonging to any modern official document ; neither 
is there any probability that a French bishop could have 
made any nearer approximation to the number of execu- 
tions than a conjecture, even if he had desired to keep 
within the truth. 

The estimate of the population of England at that date 
must also be acknowledged to rest upon grounds which are 
far from being indisputable. But it has been made without 
any motive for arriving at a false conclusion ; and it jus- 
tifies the belief that the population was rather under than 
above 3,000,000, and consequently the number of males 
not more than 1,500,000; who must be again reduced to 
about a half, or 750,000, to obtain the number of males 
between 21 years and 70. Imprisonment* for debt is nearly 
limited to this portion of the people ; and imprisonment for 
crimes fell almost as exclusively on the same, when the 
offences visited by the law were chiefly crimes of violence, 
or sheep and deer stealing : so that if 60,000 persons were 
in prison for debt and crimes, at least 55,000 of them would 
be adult males, that is, about one adult male out of every 

m3 



166 CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS, ETC, 

fifteen ; and if 2000 were executed jearlj, when so many 
felonies were but punished with whipping, proyided the 
felon could repeat his neck-verse, one out of 375 men must 
be believed to have fallen annually by the executioner's 
hands. Are we to believe this ? 

The letters from a justice of the peace to Lord Bur- 
leigh, given in tJie Appendix to vol. iv. of Strype*8 Annals, 
Nos. 212. and 213., contain some remarkable gaol statistics 
for the county of Somerset. According to him, forty per- 
sons were executed for offences in that county in 1596 ; 
and he complains grievously of the hardship inflicted on the 
county by its being obliged to expend 73/. on the relief of 
the prisoners, to whom they yet allowed but at the rate of 
6e?. a week. The imprisonments must have been therefore 
generally brief, — (x i. p. 2 1 .) This produced the following : 

I have no disposition to plead for the truth of the fact 
alleged by Hume and Macaulay, on the authority of Har- 
rison, or to lessen the weight of Mr. Walter's arguments in 
support of his doubts ; but as I have looked into Harrison, 
I may as well quote wh^t be says on the subject, for the 
sake of rectifying two errors into which Mr. Walter has 
fallen: — 1. That Harrison's authority was the Bishop of 
Tarbes ; 2. That " his object was to set forth the advan- 
tages enjoyed by Elizabeth's subjects, as compared with 
their state under her father's reign." The following are his 
words: 

** It appeareth by Cardane (who writeth it upon the report of the 
Bishop of Lexovia) in the genitare of King Edward the sixt, how 
Henrie the eight, executing his laws verie seuerelie against sach idle 
persons, I meane great theenes, pettie theeues and roges, did hsn^ 
up three score and twelve thousand of them in his time. He seemed 
for a while greatlie to have terrified the rest : but since his death the 
number of them is so increased^ yea although we have had no warres, 
which are a great occasion of their breed . . . that except some 
letter order be taken, or the lawes alreadie made be better executed, stich 
cu dwell in uplandish tonmes and little tnllages tihaU Hue but in sntall 
safetie and rest" — Harrison's Description of England, chap. ii. 

I have verified the reference to Cardan, who, towards 



QUEEN ELIZABETH AND SIR H, NEVILL. 167 



the conclusion of his geniture of Edward VL, speaking of 
his father Henrj VIII., says, — 

<< Antistes LexoviensU mihi narrabat Besontii, scilicet at biennio 
antequam periret inventa sint Lxxn millia hoBiiaam judicio et cami- 
fice sub hoc rege periisse." 

The " antistes Lexoviensis/' or Bishop of Lisieux, spoken 
of, was probably Jacques d^Annebaut, who, according to 
the Gallia Christiana, occupied that see from 1545 to 1558. 
— (vol. xi. p. 134.) 'AXuvg, 



QUEEN ELIZABETH AND SIR HENRY NEVILL. 

Many years ago I copied the following note from a 
volume of Berkshire pedigrees in the British Museum, my 
reference to which is unluckily lost. 

** Queen Elizabeth, in her first progress at Maidenhithe Bridge, 
being mett by all the Nobility, Kn««, and Esquires of Berks, they 
kneeling on both sides of her way, shee alighted at the bridge foot, 
and walked on foote through the midst, and coming just agaynst Sir 
Henry Nevill of Billingbear, made a stay, and leyd her glove on his 
head, saying, 'I am glad to see thee Brother Henry.* Hee, not 
pleased with the expression, swore she would make the court believe 
hee was a bastard, at which shee laughed, and passed on." 

The masquing scene in Henry VIII,^ as described by 
Holinshed, perhaps furnishes a clue to the Queen's plea- 
santry, though Shakspeare has omitted the particular in-? 
cident relating to Sir Henry Nevill. The old chronicler, 
after giving an account of Wolsey's banquet, and the en- 
trance of a noble troop of strangers in masks, amongst 
whom he suspected that the king made one, proceeds as 
follows: — 

^Then the Lord Chamberlain said to the Cardinal, Sir, they con- 
fesse that among them there is such a noble personage whom, if your 
Grace can appointe out ' from the rest, he is content to disclose him- 
self and to accept your place.' Whereupon the Cardinal, taking 
good advisement among them, at the last quoth he, *■ Me seemeth 
the gentleman in the black beard should be even he,' and with that 
he arose out of his chaire and offered the same to the gentleman in 

H 4 



168 CHARLES I. AND BARTOLOMEO BELLA NAVE'S 

the black beard, with his cap in his hand. The person to whom he 
ofiered the chaire was Sir Edward Nevill, a comelie knight, that 
much more resembled the king's person in that mask than anie other. 
The King perceiving the Cardinal so deceived, coald not forbear 
laughing, and pulled down his visor and Maister Nevill's too." 

Sir Edward Kevill of Aldington, in Kent, was the second 
sarviving son of Greorge Nevill, Lord Abergavenny, and the 
father of Sir Henry Nevill above mentioned, who laid the 
foundation-stone and built the body and one wing of Bil- 
lingbear House, which still belongs to his descendant. Sir 
Edward Nevill was beheaded foi high treason in 1538, his 
likeness to Henry YIII. not saving him from the &te 
which befell so many of that king's unhappy favourites. 

Bbatbbooke. — (ii. p. 307.) 



CHAKLES THE FIRST AXD BASTOLOMEO DELLA NAVB's 
COLLECTION OP PICTURES. 

Among some miscellaneous papers in a volume of the 
Birch MSS. in the British Museum (Add. 4293. fol. 5.) is 
preserved a curious document illustrative of the love of 
Charles L for the fine arts, and his anxiety to increase his 
collection of paintings, which, as it has escaped the notice 
of Walpole and his annotators, I transcribe below. 

*^ Charles R. 
*< Whereas wee vnderstand that an excellent Collection of paint- 
ings are to be solde in YeDice, whiche are knowen by the name of 
Bartolomeo della Nave his Collection, Wee are desirous that our be- 
loved servant Mr. William Pettye, should goe thither to make the 
bargayne for them. Wee our selues beinge resolved to goe a fourthe 
slSare in the buyinge of them (soe it exceed not the sOme of Eight 
hundred powndes sterlinge), but that our Name be concealed in it. 
And if it shall please God that the same Collection be bought and 
come safelye hither, Then wee doe promise on the word of a Klnge, 
that they shall be divyded with all equallitye in this maner, vid^ 
That, they shall be equallie divyded into fower partes by some men 
skillfull in paintinge, and then everie one interested in the shares, or 
some for them, shall throwe the Dice severallye, and whoesoever 
throwes moste, shall choose his share first, and soe in order eveiye 
one shall choose after first, as he castes most, and shall take their 



COLLECTION OF PICTURES. 169 

shares freelye to their owne vses, as they shall fall vnto them. In 
wittnes whereof wee haae sett our hande, this Eight daye of July, 
in the Tenth year of our Reigne, 1634." 

The individual employed by Charles in this negotiation 
is the same who collected antiquities in Greece for the 
Earl of Arundel. He was Vicar of Thorley, in the Isle of 
Wight, and is believed to have been the uncle of the cele- 
brated Sir William Petty, ancestor of the Marquis of Lans- 
downe. It would be curious to learn the particulars of the 
"bargayne" made by him, and how the pictures were dis- 
posed of after their arrival in England. Were tlie Warrant 
and Privy Seal books of the period (still remaining among 
the Exchequer records) easily accessible, no doubt some 
information on these points might be gained. That this 
collection of Bartolomeo della Nave was a celebrated one, 
we have the testimony of Simon Vouet, in a letter to Fer- 
rante Carlo, written from Venice, August 14, 1627, in 
which he speaks of it as a ^'studio di bellissime pitture" 
(Bottari, Lettere Piitoriche, vol. i. p. 335. : Milano, 1822) : 
and that it came over to England, is asserted repeatedly by 
.Ridolfi, in his Vite degli ilhtstri Pittori Veneti, the first 
edition of which appeared at Venice in 1648. He men- 
tions in this work several which were in Della Nave's col- 
lection, and which it may be interesting to refer to here, in 
case they are still to be traced in England. In vol. i. 
p. 107. (I quote the Padua edition of 1835), is noticed a 
painting by Vincenzio Catena, representing Judith carrying 
the head of Holofernes in one hand, and a sword in the 
other. In the same volume, p. 182., a portrait of Zattina 
by Falma il Vecchio, holding in her hand " una zampina 
dorata ;" and at p. 263. several sacred subjects by Titian, 
among which is specified one, of the Virgin surrounded 
by Saints, and another, of the woman taken in adultery, 
with **molti ritratti" by the same. Again, at p. 288., a 
head of a lady, supposed to be the mother of the artist 
Nadelino da Murano, one of the most talented pupils of 
Titian ; and at p. 328. a painting by Andrea Schiavone, and 
some designs of Parmigiano. In vol. ii. p. 123. are men- 



170 LAST SURVIVORS OF 

tioned two paintings by Battista Zelotti from Ovid*s Fa- 
bles; and at p. 141. a picture of tbe Good Samaritan, by 
Japoco da Ponte of Bassano. For tbese references to Bot- 
tari and Ridolfi, I own mjse]f indebted to Mr. William 
Carpenter, the keeper of the department of engravings in 
the British Museum. I do not find this purchase noticed 
in Vanderdort's list of Charles's pictures, published by 
Walpole in 1757. F. Maddeh.— (iii. p. 236.) 

THE LAST SURTIYOBS OF ENGLAND'S GREAT 

BATTLES. 

It has been often observed, that some of the most signal 
instances of longevity are to be found amongst those who 
have passed their early years in the fatigues and privations 
of active military life. Judging by cases already before 
our eyes, it is not unlikely that many a youth will be able 
to talk of the dangers he has confronted at Inkerman and 
Balaklava in the middle of the twentieth century. Let the 
following list show how well-founded is such a supposi- 
tion : — 

EdgehiU, 1642.— William Hazeland, a native of Wilt- 
shire, who died in 1732, aged one hundred and twelve (on 
his tomb at Chelsea, the name is spelt Hiseland). He was 
twenty-two when he fought for the Parliament at Edgehill ; 
after which he bore his part all through the civil war, was 
in William of Orange's army in Ireland, and closed his 
services under the renowned Duke of Marlborough ; having 
borne arms eighty years. The Duke of Richmond and Sir 
Robert Walpole, in consideration of his long services, each 
allowed him a crown a week sometime before his death. 
The old man helped himself another way ; being recorded 
in Faulkner's account of Chelsea as having married three 
times after attaining the age of one hundred, though his 
epitaph, to be given presently, would certunly lead us to 
infer that such an event took place only once after that ad- 
vanced period. His last marriage was contracted the year 
before his death, viz. Aug. 9, 1731. A picture of him 



ENGLAND'S BATTLES, 171 

taken at the age of one hundred and ten is still extant. 
Kow for his epitaph. 

" Here rests "Wilijam HisELAin>, , 

A veteran if ever soldier was. 

Wha merited well a pension, 

If long service be a merit : 

Having served upwards of the days of man % 

Ancient, bat not superannuated. 

Engaged in a series of wars, 

Civil as well as foreign ; 

Tet not maimed or worn out by either. 

His complexion was florid and fresh, 

His health hale and hearty, 

His memory exact and ready. 

. In stature he excelled the military size : 

In strength surpassed the prime of youth : 

And what made his age still more patriarchal. 

When above one hundred years old, 

He took unto him a wife. 

Sead, fdlow-soldiers, and reflect 

That there is a spiritual warfare. 

As well as a warfare temporal 
Bom 6 August, 1620 ) A_-^iig» 
Died 7 February, 1732 J ^ 

Oliver CromweWs Veterans. — The last two of the "Iron- 
sides" appear to have been Alexander McCuUock, residing 
near Aberdeen at the time of his death in 1757, aged one 
hundred and thirty-two ; and Colonel Thomas Winslow of 
Tipperary, in Ireland, who died in 1766, at the extraordi- 
nary age of one hundred and forty- six. He held the rank 
of captain when accompanying Oliver on the famous expe- 
dition to Ireland in 1649. But perhaps the most remain- 
able relic of that period, transmitted to our own times, was 
the son of one of Oliver^s drummers ; which son was living 
near Manchester, so recently as 1843, at the age of one 
hundred and twenty. This was James Horrocks, whose 
father, supposing him to have been a drummer boy of the 
age of ten at the Protector's death in 1658, need not have 
been more than seventy-five at the birth of the son ; so that 
the case is quite credible. (Manchester Guardian,) 



172 LAST SURVIVORS OF 

Siege of Natnur, 1695 (where William of Orange per- 
sonally commanded). — Mr. Fraser, of the Royal Hospital 
at Kdmainham, near Dublin, who lost his arm in the 
trenches by a cannon-shot at Namur, attained the age of 
one hundred and eighteen, and died in 1768. But much 
more recent were the deaths of the two following individuals 
belonging to William's army. 

Matthew Champion of Great Yarmouth, who came over 
with the prince in 1688 (his father being a farrier in that 
army), and who lived till 1793, being then one hundred 
and eleven years of age ; and, 

David Caldwell of Bridgnorth, born the year after Wil- 
liam's arrival, who commenced his career as a drummer, 
and ended a soldier's life in 1796, at the age of one hundred 
and seven. He may be said to have been a soldier ah ovo, 
born in the army in the town of Ayr. 

Capture of Gibraltar by Admiral Sir George Rooke, in 
1704. — John Campbell, died 1791, aged one hundred and 
twenty, at Dungannon in Ireland, though a native of Scot- 
land. He served as a marine. 

Matthew Tait of -Auchinleck, in Ayrshire, died 1792, 
aged one hundred and twenty -three ; a soldier. 

John Ramsay of Collercotes, near North Shields, died 
so recently as 1 807, aged one hundred and fifteen. He was 
of a remarkably cheerful disposition, and often amused 
himself and his friends with an old song. He was a 
seaman. 

Soldiers serving under the Dvke of Marlborough during 
the Reign of Queen Anne. — Of these, a very considerable 
list might be given of individuals surpassing the age of one 
hundred. The more recently deceased are the following : 

Alexander Kilpatrick, Esq., Colonel of an Irish regiment 
of foot^ died at Longford, in Ireland, in 1783, aged one 
hundred and sixteen. 

McLeod of Inverness,- died 1790, aged one hundred and 
two. Two years before his death, having married a second 
wife, he walked to London in nineteen days to solicit an 
increase of his pension. 



I 

L 



' ENGLAND'S BATTLES. 173 

William Billings of Fairfield Head, near Longnor, in 
Stafibrdshire, died 1791, aged one hundred and fourteen : 
long supposed to be the only survivor of the great duke's 
army; died in a cottage not a hundred yards from the 
place of his nativity. 

John Jackson, of Bumew Castle, gunner; served in 
nineteen actions ; died 1799, aged one hundred and seven- 
teen. 

Ambrose Bennett, of Tetbury, in Gloucestershire ; sixty 
years a private soldier ; died 1800, aged one hundred and 
six. 

Henry Francesco, of White Hall, near New York, died 
1820, aged one hundred and thirty-four. This remarkable 
case is mentioned in Silliman*s Tour between Hartford and 
Quebec, in 1819, where he is described as a Frenchman; 
but he may with fairness be claimed as the last relic of the 
army of Marlborough, for he was not only a native of Eng- 
land, but practised ^s a drunmier at the coronation of 
Queen Anne. 

The last surviving seaman who served in Anne*s reign, 
was J. Jennings, of Gosport, who died 1814, at the age of 
one hundred and nine. 

Sheriffmuir^ 1715, or the Rebellion of the elder Pretender. 
— Alexander Campbell, of Elincardine; who, at the age 
of sixteen, fought under Lord Ross; lived till 1816, at 
which time he was one hundred and seventeen years old. 
A year before his death, he put himself to school to the 
Gaelic Society, and learned to spell and lost his sight to- 
gether. One of his latest acts was to walk to the residence 
of Lord Ashburton, who presented him with as many shil- 
lings as he had lived years. In his dress, he steadily ad- 
hered to the kilt, and always walked very erect, with his 
neck and breast bare. 

DetHngen^ 1743. — Lieut. -Colonel Sir William Innes, of 
Balvenie, Ipswich, baronet. On that occasion he fought as 
a volunteer in the lifeguards. His death occurred in 1817, 
at the age of one hundred. 

In the following year died another veteran, who survived 



174 LAST SURVIVORS OF 

the same fight seventy-five years. This was John Reid, of 
DehiieSf near Nairn, of the second battalion of Royal Scots, 
aged one hundred and four years. He also served at Fon- 
tenoy, CuUoden, and Quebec. He never required glasses 
to assist his sight, though he spent much of his later years 
in reading, principally the Bible. 

Fonterunfy 1745. — Edmund Batry, of Watergrass Hill, in 
Ireland, died 1822, aged one hundred and thirteen. He 
was six feet two in height, and walked well to the last. 

Coupled with hb name, is that of the Amazon Fhcebe 
Hessel, who merits a more lengthened notice. Living at 
Brighton, her case became known to George lY^ then 
Prince Regent, who thereupon sent to ask her what sum of 
money would render her comfortable ? " Half-a-guinea a 
week,** replied old Phoebe, '* will make me as happy as a 
princess.** This, therefore, by his majesty's command, was 
regularly paid her till the day of her death ; which took 
place at Brighton^ December 12, 1821, when she had at- 
tained the age of one hundred and eight years. Her monu- 
ment in the churchyard states that she was bom at Chel- 
sea in 1713 ; that she served for many years as a private 
soldier in the fifth regiment of foot in different parts 
of Europe, and received a bayonet wound in the arm at 
Fontenoy. 

CttUodeny 1746, and the Rebellion of the younger Pretender. 
— Here we must distinguish between the contending parties ; 
and first, for the king*s soldiers : — 

William Broughton, of Keston, died in 1816, aged one 
hundred and six. He remained a healthy and industrious 
labourer till his end. He used to call himself "one of 
King George's hard bargains,** having drawn his pension 
more than sixty years. 

The three following were adherents of Charles Ed- 
ward: — 

Gillies McKechnie, of Grourock, who died in 1814, aged 
one hundred and four, having but a short time previously 
declared that he was still ready to shed his blood in the 
same cause. 



ENGLAND'S BATTLES. 175 

John Fraser, a native of Strathspey, n^ho died at Dun- 
dee in 1817, aged one hundred. 

Grant, living on the estates of the Hon. "W. Maule, 

near Montrose, presented a memorial to the king through 
Sir B. Bloomfield, soliciting a pension ; and stating, among 
other arguments, that if not the oldest of his majesty*s 
loyal subjects, he was at all events the oldest of his ma- 
jesty's enemies; having fought at Culloden Muir in the 
behalf of Charles Stuart, and being now [1835 P] one hun- 
dred and eight years of age. King William inmiediately 
ordered him 1/. a week ; and the same to be continued to 
his daughter who attended him (herself being seventy), 
should she survive. 

ToAtYtg" of Quebec^ 1759, by Wolfe, — James Stuart, of 
Tweedmouth, conunonly called ^ the last of the Stuarts,** 
recently living, at the age of one hundred and fifteen. For 
sixty years, and more, he frequented the "Borders** as a 
wandering minstrel ; and had many a tale to tell of the 
" Young Chevalier,** with whom he had drunk wine, and to 
whom it is supposed he was distantly related. He appears 
to have served both on land and sea. His strength was 
prodigious. 

Abraham Miller, living 'so recently as 1852 among the 
Indians in Grey-township, Simcoe county, Canada, at the 
age of one hundred and fifteen years. 

J. Watlen. — (xi. p. 319.) 

In the second part of Annals of Health, by Joseph Tay- 
lor (published by EflSlngham Wilson in 1818), under the 
head of " Records of Longevity,** is a long list of persons 
who have lived to extreme old age. I do not know who 
were Mr. Taylor*s authorities for the cases he enumerates, 
but among them I find the following veterans of the army : 

Battle of Londonderry. — " Thomas Wimms died in 1791, 
near Tuam in Ireland, aged 117. He had been formerly a 
soldier, and fought in the battle of Londonderry in 1701.** 

Battle of EdgehiU. — " Of WilUam Walker there is an 
excellent mezzotinto likeness, bearing the following in- 
scription : 



176 LAST SURVIVORS OF ENGLAND'S BATTLES. 

w 

* William Walkbii, 

Bom near Ribchester in Lancashire, anno 1613, 

Died anno 1736. 

At the battle of Edgehill he was in the Royal Service, 

Wounded in the arm, and had two horses 

Shot under him.' " 

Capture of Gibraltar, — " John Kamsay, a mariner, died 
at Gollercoats, near North Shields, in January, 1808, at the 
age of 115 years. He served in the capacity of cabin boy 
on one of the ships in Sir George Rooke*8 squadron, at the 
taking of Gibraltar in 1704." 

Battle of Preston Pans, — "William Gillespie, an old 
Chelsea pensioner, died at Ruthwell, in the county of 
Dumfries, Scotland, June 15, 1818. He was 102 years 
old. He enlisted, when young, in the Inniskillen Dragoons, 
and served in the German wars under Lord Stair, in 1743- 
4." He subsequently saved a stand of colours at Preston 
Pans, which he took to Colonel Gardner. 

Capture of Quebec. — " Samuel Mogg difed in the summer 
of 1812, at the age of 102. He served under General 
Wolfe at the taking of Quebec." 

Spanish Armada. — " In Bunbury Church, Cheshire, is 
the monument of Sir George Beeston, who was an admiral 
in the British fleet when the Spanish Armada was de^ 
stroyed in the year 1588. ... Sir George died in 
1601, at the advanced age of 102." 

Soldiers of William III. and Queen Anne. — " William 
Marshall, of Kirkcudbright, tinker, a native of Kirk- 
michael, Ayrshire, died in 1792 ; was present at the siege 
of Derry, and afterwards entered the Dutch service. — 
William Billings died at Fairfield Head, near Longnor in 
Staffordshire, in the autumn of 1793, aged 114. He was 
the last survivor in England of the Duke of Marlborough's 
privates. — Paul Hansen, a native of Germany, died at 
Hedingham, Norfolk, in 1781, in the 108th year of his age. 
He had been a resident in seven kingdoms, and served 
under the Duke of Marlborough. — Sergeant Donald Mac- 
Leod, born in 1688, in the parish of Bracedill, in the Isle 



MALTA THE BURIAL-PLACE OF HANNIBAL, 177 

of Skye, was alive in 1797. He served under the Duke of 
Marlborough, the Duke of Argyle in 1715, the Duke of 
Cumberland in Flanders, the Marquis of Granby in Ger- 
many, and Sir Henry Clinton in the American War, as 
well as in Ireland, and in the French war in America in 
1757, and was present at the reduction of Louisbourg and 
Quebec. 

Soldier of Oeorge I, and II. — " Joshua Crewman, a pen- 
sioner at Chelsea Hospital, died in 1794, at the age of 123.*' 

Kamsay, Gillespie, Billings and MacLeod are mentioned 
by Mr. Waylen ; but I have quoted Mr. Taylor's version, 
as it differs in some particulars, although how much credit 
is to be attached to it I know not. 

Alexander Andbews. — (xi. p. 418.) 

MALTA THE BURIAL-PLACE OF HANNIBAL. 

Malta affords a fine field for antiquarian research ; and 
in no part more so than in the neighbourhood of Citta 
Yecchia, where for some distance the ground is dotted with 
tombs which have already been opened. 

Here, in ancient times, was the site of a burial-place; 
but for what people, or at what age, is now unknown ; and 
here it is that archaeologists should commence their labours, 
that in the result they may not be disappointed. In some 
of the tombs which have been recently entered in this 
vicinity, fragments of linen cloth have been seen, in which 
bodies were enveloped at the time of their burial ; in others 
glass, and earthen candlesticks, and jars, hollow throughout, 
and of a curious shape ; while ^n a few were ear-rings and 
finger-rings made of the purest gold ; but they are rarely 
found. 

There cannot be a doubt that many valuable antiquities 
will yet be discovered ; and, in support of this presumption, 
I would only refer to those now known to exist, the Giant's 
Tower at Gozo, the huge tombs in the Bengemma Hills, and 
those extensive and remarkable ruins at Krendi, which were 
excavated by order of the late Sir Henry Bouverie, and 

N 



178 MALTA THE BURIAL-PLACE OF HANNIBAL, 

remain as a lasting and honourable memento of his role, 
being among the number. 

An antiquary, being at Malta, cannot pass a portion of 
an idle day more agreeably than in visiting some singular 
sepulchral chambers not far from Notebile, which are built 
in a rocky eminence, and with entrances several feet from 
the ground. These are very possibly the tombs of the 
earliest Christians, who tried in their erection ^ to imitate 
that of our Saviour, by building them in the form of caves, 
and closing their portals with marble or stone.'* When 
looking at these tombs from a terrace near the Cathedral, 
we were strongly reminded of those which were seen by 
our lately deceased friend Mr. John L. Stephens, and so 
well described by him in his Incidents of Travel in eastern 
lands. Had we time or space, we should more particularly 
refer to several other interesting remains now scattered 
over the island, and, among them, to that curious sepulchre 
not a long time ago discovered in a garden at Babato. 
We might write of the inscription on its walls, " In pace 
posita sunt," and of the figures of a dove and hare which 
-were near it, to show that the ashes of those whom they 
buried there were left in peace. We might also mi^e 
mention, more at length, of a tomb which was found at the 
point Beni Isa in 1761, having on its face a Phoenician 
inscription, which Sir William Drummond thus translates : 

" The interior room of the tomb of ^nnibal, illustrious in the con- 
summation of calamity. He was beloved. The people, when they 
are drawn up in order of battle, weep for uEnnibal the son of Bar 
Malek." 

Sir Grenville Temple remarks that the great Cartha- 
ginian general is supposed, by the Maltese, to have been a 
native of their island, and one of the Barchina family, once 
known to have been established in Malta, while some 
writers have stated that his remains were brought from 
Bithynia to this island, to be placed in the tomb of his 
ancestors ; and this supposition, from what we have read, 
may be easily credited. 

Vol. vii. p. 81. 



ISABEL, QUEEN OF THE ISLE OF MAN, 179 



ISABEL, QUEEN OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 

The following communications appeared in reply to a 
query with reference to "Isabel, wife of Baron Fitz- 
warren, sometime Queen of the Isle of Man," mentioned in 
Charles Knight's London as having been buried in the 
church of the Grey Friars. 

This lady was the wife of William Lord Fitz-Warine, 
who died in 35 Edward III. (1361), as to whom see Dvgd, 
Bar, i. 447. The register of interments and sepulchral 
inscriptions in the church of the Grey Friars, London, 
printed in the fifth volume of CoUectanea Topogr, et Geneal, 
(the entry is at p. 278.), which I presume to be the au- 
thority for Knight's London^ does not afford further in- 
formation as to this lady, who is reckoned amongst the four 
queens said by Weever (following Stowe) to have been 
interred in this church. Mr. J. G. Nichols, in his note to 
the entry referred to, does not add any information about 
the Lady Isabel. 

There was a Sybil, who was daughter of William Mon- 
tacute. Earl of Salisbury and King of Man and Derby, one 
of the most distinguished characters in the heroic age of Ed- 
ward III. She married Edmund, the younger of the two 
sons of Edmund Earl of Arundel, by Alice, sister and heir 
of John, last Earl of Warren and Surrey, who died in 
1347 (Dvgd. Bar, i. 82.). William Mont acute was created 
Earl of Salisbury 16th March, 1337, and died in 1343, and 
was entombed in the church of the Friars Carmelites, Lon- 
don (Weever^ 437.). He was connected with the family of 
John Earl of Surrey ; for it appears from a grant made by 
the king in 11 Edward III. to William Earl of Salisbury, 
that he was entitled in reversion to certain hereditaments 
then held by John de Warren, Earl of Surrey, and Joan 
his wife (Collect Top. et Gen. vii. 379.). The valiant 
Montacute, lord of Man, did not die without heirs tnale, 
for his son William was his heir ; otherwise we might have 
supposed the dominion of the isle to have devolved on his 
daughter Sybil or Isabel, who, surviving Edmund her hus- 

N 2 



180 ISABEL, QUEEN OF 

band, may have married the Lord Fitz-Warine. Can evi- 
dence of such connexion be found? I have not met with 
anything to connect his family with the lordship of the 
Isle of Man, and am not aware that "Isabel Queen of 
Man** is mentioned in any record save the sepulchral 
register of the Grey Friars. I wish some clue could be 
found to a satisfactory answer. 

The other branch of the question, When did the Isle of 
Man cease to be an independent kingdom? can be an- 
swered by a short historical statement. So early as the 
reign of John, its sovereigns rendered fealty and homage to 
the kings of England. Reginald, styled King of Man, did 
homage to Henry III., as appears by the extract given from 
the Rot Par. 3 Hen. III., by Selden. During a series of 
years previously, the kings of Man, who seem to have held. 
this isle together with the Hebrides, had done homage to 
the kings of Norway, and its bishops went to Drontheim 
for consecration. Magnus, last sovereign of Man of the 
Norwegian dynasty, died in 1265. From that period the 
shadowy crown of Man is seen from time to time resting 
on lords of different races, and its descent is in many periods 
involved in great obscurity. After the death of Magnus, 
the island was seized by Alexander III. of Scotland. A 
daughter and heiress of Reginald sued for it against John 
Baliol before Edward I. of England as lord paramount of 
Man (/?<?/. Pari 31 Edw. I.). In 35 Edw. I., we find An- 
thony Bek, the warlike Bishop and Count Palatine of Dur- 
ham, in possession of the isle ; but the king of England 
then claimed to resume it into his own hands, as of the 
ancient right of the crown. Accordingly, from sundry 
records it appears that Edw. II. and Edw. III. committed 
its custody to various persons; and the latter king at 
length conferred his right to it upon William Montacute, 
Earl of Salisbury, in consideration, probably, of that valiant 
earl having by his arms regained the island from the Scot^ 
who had resumed possession, and of the circumstance that 
his grandmother, the wife of Simon de Moutacute, was 
sister and heiress of one of the former kings of Man, and 



THE ISLE OF MAN. 181 

related to the lady who had claimed it as her inheritance 
on the death of Magnus. The son and heir of the grantee 
sold the isle to Scrope, Earl of Wiltshire, about 16 Rich. II. 
In the time of Hen. IV. Sir William Scrope forfeited his 
possessions (Dugd, Bar, ii. 250.) ; and the isle again came 
to the crown. It was granted to Percy, Earl of Northum- 
berland, by the service of bearing the Lancaster sword on 
the left shoulder of the king on the day of coronation; 
was forfeited by Percy ; and was thereupon granted by the 
same king to Sir John Stanley and his heirs, under which 
grant the Earls of Derby succeeded during many years. 
It was a subject of a grant to the Stanleys by Queen Eliza- 
beth, and of an act of parliament in the reign of James L, 
under which the isle became vested in the Duchess Dow- 
ager of Athol, as heir of the body of James, seventh Earl 
of Derby, and ultimately became vested by purchase in 
the crown. It may be said, that during the time of au- 
thentic history, the Isle of Man was not an independent 
kingdom, until the regality was granted by the crown, 
as already mentioned. — ^Wm. Sidney Gibson. — (ii. p. 132.) 
Mr. Wm. Sidney Gibson has correctly referred to the 
authority for this designation ; but it may be well, before 
pursuing the inquiry, to place before the reader the very 
words of the register of the Grey Friars of London : 

« Versus quasi medium chori jacet dominus Willelmtts Fitzwarryu 
Bare, et Isabella uxor sua quondam Regina Man." — CoUecUmea Top. 
et GeneaL v. 278. 

Mr. Gibson has also correctly added, that in my note to 
this entry I have not afforded any information about the 
lady Isabel. It is true that I searched for such informa- 
tion in vain ; and the information I gave in lieu was the 
date of the death of William Lord Fitz-Warine, viz., the 
35 Edw. III. (1361), and the name of the lady he b known 
from record (Ex. 22 Edw. III. no. 39.) to have married, 
namely, Amicia^ daughter and heir of Sir Henry de Haddon. 
As there is not the slightest ground for imagining that this 
Amicia was ever *' Queen of Man,** it must therefore be 

K 8 



182 ISABEL, QUEEN OF 

concluded, supposing that the register of the Grey Friars 
gives a faithful reflection of the epitaph, that the Lord 
Fitz- Warine had a second wife. I am not inclined to adopt 
Mr. Gibson's suggestion that this lady was SibiUa^ daughter 
of William de Montacute, first Earl of Salisbury, because 
the lordship of Man descended to the second earl, and he 
possessed it until the 16 Ric. II. (1393). It seems there- 
fore that the only ** Queen of Man" that coiild be the wife 
of William Lord Fitz-Warine, must have been the widow 
of the first Earl of Salisbury, who died in 1343. The wife 
of that earl and the mother of his heir was Kaiharinej 
daughter of William Lord Granson, as Mr Beltz gives that 
name, correcting the more prevalent form of Grandison« 
The question .therefore to be decided is — Did this lady 
survive him, or did he marry a second wife named IsabeUa P 
In either case, I think it is clear that the lady buried at 
the Grey Friars was the Dowager Countess of Salisbury. 
Mr. Beltz has given a memoir of Sir William Fitz-Warine 
in his Memorials of the Garter, but he was not aware of the 
baron*s connexion with ^^ the Queen of Man.** Dying of 
the plague on the 28th Oct. 1361, it was probably in haste 
that his body was interred in the church of the Grey Friars, 
and the queen may have fallen a victim to the same pesti- 
lence. There is an efiigy in the church at Wantage which 
is ascribed to this Lord Fitz-Warine ; and it is accompanied 
by one of a lady, probably Amicia Haddon, on whose death, 
some time before his own, that monument may have been 
erected. These efligies are engraved in the series by HoUis. 
There is a peculiarity attending the barony of this William 
Fitz-Warine. He was first sunmioned by writ in 1342 
[qu. if 1343, and thus after his marriage with the Dowager 
Countess of Salisbury ?] ; and though he lef)^ a son and heir, 
Sir Ivo Fitz-Warine, that son was never summoned to par- 
liament. A similar course has been observed in other 
cases where the title to a barony was jure laoris, in which 
condition may be included the state of the second husband 
of a countess, there being instances of men in that position 
being summoned to parliament as barons, whilst the count- 



THE ISLE OF MAN. 183 

esses their wives were living, and no longer. Thus it is 
possible that Fitz-Warine was summoned, because he had 
married the countess and "queen;** and his son Ivo 
was not summoned, because he was the son of Amicia 
Haddon. 

With regard to the titles of King or Queen of Man, they 
do not appear to be recognised by records, but merely by 
the chroniclers. Dugdale has quoted from the history of 
Thomas de la Marc, that William, Earl of Salisbury, having 
in 16 Edw. IIL (1342) conquered the Isle of Man (from 
the Scots), the king gave him the inheritance, and crowned 
him king hereof; and Walsingham and Otterbourne (p. 15*3,) 
relate that the Vice-Chamberlaine, Sir William Scrope, in 
16 Bic. II. (1393), purchased the sovereignty of the Isle of 
Man cum corona. But the word dominus, not reXy is em- 
ployed in Latin records, and seigneur in French. On the 
seal of the first Earl of Salbbury he is styled dominus de 
dynbi et mannie^ and on his counter-seal dominug de man et 
de dynbi; and on a counter or privy seal of the second 
earl he is styled dominus mannie et de dynbi (t. e, Den- 
bigh, not "Derby,** as misprinted antea). These seals 
have been recently engraved in the Salisbury volume of 
the Archsological Institute. The second earl in his will, 
made the 20th April, 1397, styles himself " Earl of Salis- 
bury and Lord of the Isles of Man and Wiht,** although he 
had then sold the lordship of Man some years before. In 
the Harleian charters is a bond from the purchaser to the 
&mous Sir Richard Whityngton, citizen and mercer of 
London, dated 29th Aug. 1393, in which he is described 
88 ** William le Scrope, Seigneur de Man et des Isles ;** and 
in the truce with France on the 10th March, 1394, " Mon- 
sieur Gwilliam le Scrope** is recorded to have assented to 
the proceedings " pour le seigneury de Man,** as one of the 
aUies of the King of England. (Fcedera, iii. part iv. p. 95.) 
It is not easy to determine when or where these potent 
subjects really assumed the rank or title of ^^king** and 
*' queen ; ** and it must be recollected that the King of Eng- 
land himself was at the same period content to call himself 

n4 



184 ISABEL, QUEEN OF THE ISLE OF MAN. 

onlj '^Lord of Ireland,'* as the Earl of Salisbury was 
" Lord of Man." 

It may stimulate Mr. Gibson, as a north countryman, to 
further researches in this matter, to remind him that it is to 
Katharine, Countess of Salisbury, at the Castle of Wark in 
Northumberland, that Mr. Beltz has traced the anecdote 
related by Froissart of the especial admiration which King 
Edward IIL conceived for a Countess of Salisbury ; con- 
nected with which are some of the legendary stories of the 
origin of the Order of the Garter (see MemoriaU of ike 
Garter^ pp. 63. et seq.). It would be a remarkable fact to 
ascertain that the object of the king's gallantry became 
afterwards even a nominal queen. 

JoHH GouGH Nichols.^ — (yoL y. p. 205.) 

In an interesting communication from Mb. Wm. Sedmbt 
Gibson in a late Number of your publication there occurs 
the following statement, to which I beg to add a few re- 
marks. He says : 

** After the death of Magnus, the island was seized by Alexander 
III. of Scotland. A daughter and heiress of Reginald saed for it 
against John Baliol, before Edward L of England, as lord paramount 
of Man.— iiot FarL, 81 Edw. L" 

And farther on he states : 

** From sundry records it appears that Edward IL and Edward IIL 
committed its custody to various persons, and the latter at length 
conferred his right to it upon William Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, 
in consideration, probably, of that valiant earl having by his anna 
regained the island from the Scots, who had resumed possession^ 
and of the circumstance that his grandmother, the wife of Simon de 
Montacute, was sister and heiress of one of the former kings of Man* 
and related to the lady who had claimed it as her inheritance on the 
death of Magnus." 

Now, I think Mb. Gibsoh, on reflection, will agree with 
me in concluding that the wife of Simon de Montacute, and 
the lady who claimed the island on the death of Magnus, 
were one and the same person. There is no document, I 
believe, of the kind he refers to, of the ''31st ** of Edw. I. ; 
but in the '' 2lBt ** of Edw. L, which date is probably in- 



ANECDOTE OF CHARLES L 185 

tended, there is amongst the Scotch Rolls (anno 21 Edw. 
I., m. 4.) a citation from Edward I., as supreme lord of 
Scotland, directed to John Baliol, King of Scots, to answer 
the complaint of Aufrica^ cousin and heiress of Magnus, late 
King of Man, &c. This is in the year 1292-3 ; and a few 
years later we again meet with Aufrica^ for amongst the 
ancient charters in the British Museum is one marked 
" V. 73." It is a deed by which " Aufirica^ heiress of the 
land of Man," gives up her right therein, " to her noble 
and potent husband, Simon de Montagu.** This deed is 
dated at Bridgewater, on Thursday the Vigil of the 
Annunciation, 1305 ; i. e, March 24, 1306. 

In this charter (V. 73.) she calls herself Avfrica de 
Connought: and this is rather curious, for in a volume of 
pedigrees in the British Museum, in the handwriting of 
Robert Glover, Somerset Herald (Bib. Harl. 807.), she is 
said to be the daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway 
(Galway ?), and Queen of Man. Galway it is in another 
MS. in the same collection (MSS. Harl. 1074. folio 22.), 
where she is styled ^' Aufrica, Reyne de Man,** and daughter 
of Fergus, Lord of Galway. In both these MSS. she is said 
to be the wife of Simon de Montagu, who is styled ^^ Roy 
de Man par sa fenmie.** F. C. M.— (vol. v. p. 234.) 

ANECDOTE OF CHABLES I. 

The following anecdote is extracted from a small paper 
book, purchased some fifly years since, at Newport, in the 
Isle of Wight, which contains the history of a family named 
Douglas, for some years resident in that town, written by 
the last representative, Eliza Douglas, at the sale of whose 
effects it came into my grandfather's hands. There are 
many curious particulars in it; especially an account of 
the writer's great-great-grandfather (the husband of the 
heroine of this tale), who " traded abroad, and was took 
into Turkey as a slave,** and there gained the affections 
of his master's daughter, after the most approved old- 
ballad fashion ; though, alas ! it was not to her love that he 



186 THE INQUISITION. 

owed his liberty, but (dreadful bathos !) to his skill in 
cooking fowls, &c. &c. in the English taste ; ** which, on a 
certain occasion, when some English merchants came to 
dine )¥ith his master, ^* so pleased the company, that they 
offered to redeem him, which was accepted; and when 
freed he came home to England, and lived in London to 
an advanced age ; so old that they ied him with a tea* 
spoon." 

After his death his wife married again ; and it was during 
this second marriage that the interview with King Charles 
took place. 

'*My mother's great-grandmother, when a-breeding with her 
daughter, Mary Graige, which was at y* time of King Charles being 
a prUoner in Cariabrook Castle, she longed to kiss the King's hand; 
and when he was brought to Newport to be carried off, she being 
acquainted with the gentleman's housekeeper, where the King was 
coming to stay, till orders for him to leave the island, she went to 
the housekeeper, told her what she wanted, and they cimtrived for 
her to come the morning he was to go away. So up she got, and 
dressed herself, and set off to call her midwife, and going along, the 
first and second guard stopped her and asked her where she was 
going ; she told them * to call her midwife,' which she did. They 
went to this lady, and she went and acquainted his Majesty with the 
affair ; he desired she may come up to him, and she said, when she 
came into the room, his Majesty seemed to appear as if he had been 
at prayers. He rose up and came to her, who fell on her knees before 
him ; he took her up by the arm himself, and put his cheek to her, 
and she said she gave him a good hearty smack on his cheek. His 
Majesty then said, ' Pray God bless you, and that you go withal.' 
Bhe then went down stairs to wait and see the King take coach ; she 
got so close that she saw a gentleman in it ; and when the King 
stept into the coach, he said, 'Pray, Sir, what is your name ?' he 
replied, * I am Col. Pride.' * Not miscalled,' says the King. Then 
Pride says, * Drive on, coachman.' " 

E.V. 

THE INQUISITION. 

The Inquisition in all its proceedings, except those by 
which it celebrated its triumphs in the public aulos, has 
ever shrouded itself in mysterious secresy. In the want of 



THE INQUISITION. 187 

correct intelligence relating to it, many groundless and ini" 
probable stories have found a ready reception with unin- 
formed persons, if only related with a show of authority, 
how unsubstantial soever the truth of them may prove to be. 
That some respectable writers have lent their pens to the 
circulation of such mistakes, and in some degree mischiev- 
ous accounts, shows a want of care to verify the facts they 
narrate to their readers, or reflects more seriously upon 
their zeal, too eager in its conflict with error to pause a 
moment to consider whether their erroneous statements 
may not injure the truth it is generally intended to support. 
Not a little currency has thus been given to a story about 
the destruction of the palace of the Inquisition of Madrid, 
which, as it will appear, must be classed with childish 
legend or German romance. 

It is in substance as follows : — That when Napoleon 
Buonaparte penetrated into Spain in 1809, he ordered the 
buildings of the Inquisition to be destroyed; that Col. 
Lemanousky, of the Polish Lancers, being at Madrid, 
reminded Marshal Soult of this order, and obtained from 
him the 117th regiment, commanded by Col. De Lisle, for 
its execution ; that the building, situated a short distance 
from Madrid, was in point of strength a fortress of itself, 
garrisoned by soldiers of the Holy Office, who being quickly 
overpowered, and the place taken, the Inquisitor- General, 
with a number of priests in their official robes, were made 
prisoners. That they found the apartments splendidly 
furnished with altars, crucifixes, and candles in abundance ; 
but could find no places of torture, dungeons, or prisoners, 
until Col. De Lisle thought of testing the floor by floating 
it with water, when a seam was thus discovered through 
which it escaped below ; and the marble slab being struck 
by the butt end of a musket, a spring raised it up, and 
revealed a staircase leading down to the Hall of Judgment 
below. That there they found cells for prisoners, some 
empty, some tenanted by living victims, some by corpses in 
a state of decay, and some with life but lately departed 
from them ; that the living prisoners, being naked, were 



1» THE IXQUISmOX. 

partaUr drdted In* the Freoc^ soldiers and liberated, 
jMwi nii^j to ocse hnodRd in ■■sbcr. That tiiej found 
there all kiisd* of instrsBeats of iartnre, whidi so ex- 
asperated tke FrencK tkat tber cooM not be restrained 
&Dm excrctsir^ thera upon the captrre inqoi^tors; Col. 
De Li^Ie standing bj vhilst tour difieroit kinds were ap- 
l^ed, and then karin^ the a{iartment in di^nst; and 
finaOj, that when the inmates had been remored. Col. De 
Lisle went to Madrid, obtained gunpowder, placed it in the 
Tanlts of the building, and lighting a slow match, made a 
jorfVil sight to thousands of ^lectators. "■ The walls and 
massire turrets of that dark edifice were lifted towards 
the hearens, and the Inquisition of Madrid was no 



Xow tlus attractire and romantic narradre of Tindi- 
cated libertj, justice, and charity, must take its place 
among other unsubstantial and amuMng fictions. The 
Btorr, as &r as I hare been able to trace it, originates in a 
relation said to have beoi made by CoL Lemanousky, whilst 
in the United States of America, to a Mr. Killog of Illinois, 
who published it in the Wettem lAammay, A refugee 
Pole, and a back>states newspaper ! 

It b copied with more or less detail into yarious pub- 
lications, which in this manner add a sanction of their own 
to its pretended authenticity. Not to mention various 
recent periodicals and newspapers, it appears in 7%e 
Mystery UnveUedj or Popery as it* Dogmas and PreteU" 
sions appear in the Light of Reason, the BibU, and History, 
by the Rev. James Bell, Edinbui^h, 1834^ at p. 424.,' quot- 
ing firom the Christian Treasury, a Scotch periodical : — 
Ferreal (M. de Y.), Mysteres de Tliiqmsition et aulres 
Societis secretes dEspagne, avec notes historiques, et une 
introduction de M, Manuel de Cuendias, Paris, 1845, 8to., at 
pp. 79—84. :—The Inquisition, SfC, Dublin, 1850, pp. 209 — 
214. : after giving the story at length, with some colouring, 
the writer adds, that '^ the Holy Catholic Church in this, as 
in other things, was grossly misrepresented:" a remark 
perhaps ingeniously introduced to cast a doubt upon all the 



THE INQUISITION, 189 

circumstances in the volume, true as well as untrue ; thus 
to render error and truth undistinguishable : — The Curse 
of Christendom^ or the Spirit of Popery Exhibited and Ex' 
posed^ by the Rev. J. B. Pike, 1852, 8vo., at pp. 261— 
264. 

It is strange that such respectable writers never thought 
of consulting the current histories of the Peninsular war, or 
the leading newspapers of the time — The Courier and 
Momivg Chronicle — which could scarcely have passed so 
public an event by without recording it ; and that they did 
not mistrust the tale from the silence of Llorente and Puig- 
blanch, who would certainly have mentioned it ; for neither 
the ex-secretary of the tribunal, nor Sn. Puigblanch, who 
first published his Tnquisicion sin Mascara at Cadiz in 1811, 
and occupied the Hebrew Professor's chair in the central 
university of Madrid in 1820-1, could have remained igno- 
rant of such a consummating circumstance. Neglecting the 
pains to verify the fact, they have left in their pages a 
striking instance, for an intelligent opponent to point at, 
of simple credulity and the unsubstantial worth of their 
books. 

In 1808, Napoleon decreed the suppression of the Tri- 
bunals of the Inquisition, at Chamartin, a village one league 
from Madrid, at a house of the Duke del Infantado*s, where 
he lodged. They were again established by a decree of 
Ferdinand VII. on July 21, 1814; and again suppressed 
by the constitutional government of 1820. There were 
two houses of the Inquisition at Madrid, and they still 
exist. Marshal Soult did not command at Madrid, nor is 
it true that he ordered their demolition. The front and 
appearance of one of them has been altered only four or 
five years ago, but it was not pulled down. Whoever will 
take the trouble to look at the plan of Madrid, published 
for sixpence by the Society of Useful Knowledge, may see 
near the north-west corner, not far from the new Royal 
Palace, a shaded spot, stretching from the Calle ancha de 
San Bernardo to the Calle de la Inquisicion, which opens 
into the Plazuela de San Domingo. That spot marks the 



190 THE INQUISITloy. 



principal building of the Inquisition at Madrid ; there was 
none beyond the town. It is one of the most substantial 
edifices, erected upon a granite basement; and, judging 
from some gratings seen from the street, having under- 
ground apartments rarely found in that capital. 

To substitute truth for fiction, we may here give a ngiore 
trustworthy statement than that before quoted. It is from 
a gentleman who really inspected this house of the Inqui- 
sition at Madrid in March, 1820, when that evil sanhedrim 
was legally suppressed. The relator, an eye-witness, was no 
inventor of marvellous and doleful stories to defame it; 
neither had he, we may be sure, asked for its restitution, 
like the Duke de Bailen. His account is as follows : 

** At the change of the absolnte government of Ferdinand YII. for 
the constitutional rule of the Cortes, on the 7th of March, 1820, the 
Tribunal of the Inquisition was legally suppressed. The people of 
Madrid, more from curiosity than a well-judging hatred, flocked in a 
crowd to see and examine the building. It was found in the street 
known by its odious name, entering by the right-hand from the 
Plazuela de San Domingo, communicating at the back with the Do- 
minican Convent del Rosario in the Calle ancha de San Bernardo, 
that leads to the gate of Fuencaral, without which was the Quema- 
dero, or bnrning-place. There was a communication from the building 
to the Dominican Convent by a subterraneous passage, as appeared 
by that we passed through. Whether inquisitorial cruelty had been 
less active since 1814 than before the French invasion, or that the 
instruments of torture had been removed, the fact was, that nothing 
was now found except traces which proved the use of them. 

** By the recommendation of Don Rodrigo de Aranda, second alcalde 
at that time, who was commissioned to collect the effects, books, and 
papers remaining there, torches were provided to enable us to pene- 
trate the darkness of the passages below ground. Externally, the 
building presented nothing remarkable. We went in from the 
street by a large gateway ; a little to the right was the door of en- 
trance, large and massive, approached by five or six stone steps. 
Crossing a short, wide, and dark passage, and descending more steps 
than were at the first door, we came out into a large patio, or inner 
court, without corredores round it, as are usual in such cases. Access 
was reached to the first floor by several staircases, some wide, some 
narrow, that, by intricate communications one with another, led, 
some to the halls of the Tribunal, and some to the places of imprison- 






THE INQUISITION, 191 

ment Here these, in general, were roomy ; with lofty ceilings and 
windows more than two feet square, placed at a considerable height 
from the floor. Every prison had a very solid cuter door, braced 
with strong ironwork. When these were opened, a small cell about 
four feet square was found within the apartment, formed of solid ma- 
sonry. In the right-hand wall of this was a grating of strong iron 
bars about an inch square ; and opposite the first door of entrance 
was another very solid door with a similar iron grating. By this 
means the jailor, by only opening the first door, could review eveiy- 
thing within the whole circle of the apartment These were distin* 
guished by the names of certain prisoners who had been confined in 
them ; such as Friar's Prison, the Beata Clara's, Juan Van Halen'i^ 
and others. 

** Returned to the ground-floor in order to descend to the vaults, 
the Senora Marquesa de B shrank back in terror ; but the flam- 
beaux being lighted by her footman, and again reassured, we 
descended above thirty steps, and found ourselves in an apartment 
some twenty feet square ; entirely empty, and dimly lighted by a sky- 
light from the ground of the patio, or inner court. The floor was 
firm and level ; but perceiving half-way along the wall, where the 
light from the court struck upon it, a moveable part, we examined 
the spot by the light of the torches ; and found at the height of some 
seven feet from the floor, two large wooden plugs firmly bedded in 
the wall in a line with each other. In one of them a large iron ring, 
much rusted, of the thickness of a finger, still remained. The in- 
ference is, that it was a kind of torture, by fixing the wrists of the 
victim to the two rings, and removing the part of the floor below ; so 
not being able to feel his feet at that height, he would be left sus- 
pended by the wrists. After examining several other apartments 
containing nothing worthy of notice, we entered one through a 
breach that we found made through the thick masoniy of the en- 
trance cell, such as before described in the upper prisons. This was 
a very roomy parallelogram, and its floor, although tolerably firm, 
was very damp ; so much so that we thrust a walking-stick into it, 
without any great force, up to the handle, and drew it out whitened, 
as though it had passed through moist chalk. Opposite the place 
we entered stood an altar ; the whole square shaft of it, and the step 
below, of yellow marble ; and on the steps were many droppings 
from wax candles. We could find no image, crucifiic, or painting of 
any kind, nor aperture where this vault could have received light, 
nor could we discover the proper entrance to it. On the point of 
leaving, we perceived a kind of large window-shutter at one corner, 
about five feet from the floor. It opened without difficulty, and we 
found a square space which led down to a well or sunken shaft To 



192 THE INQUISITION, 

prove whether it was so, we rolled a fragment of masonry into it. It 
returned no splash of water, bat a heavy sound like a blow upon 
wood, followed by a lengthened creaking noise, as if of a trap-door 
opened reluctantly. Withdrawing from this frightful spot, the foot- 
man, who carried the torches, picked up a rib of metal from the floor, 
one of the pair that form the compass legs of a lady's fan, by which 
it is opened and folded. The metal was so corroded, that it crumbled 
between the fingers. A singular thing to find in such a place, having 
no communication from the street or from the inner court Leaving 
this dismal part of the edifice, we took a staircase that, after a descent 
of twenty steps, ended in a passage about a yard wide, and some- 
thing like forty feet long ; terminating in another shorter one that 
formed with this a cross, or head line of the letter T. In the left- 
hand arm of this cross was a large square funnel ; on the upper part 
of it, on each side, were fixed iron spikes, in the manner that gar* 
deners call quincunx. The damp and chilness of this underground 
vault were most distressing to our feelings; and fearing that the 
torches might become extinguished, and ourselves left in total dark- 
ness, we hastened back by the passage through which we entered ; 
noticing that in this passage there were on each side recesses, or very 
narrow cells, the frames of the doorways ^lone remaining. We found 
by a plumbline, sunk from stage to stage, that these fearful and 
noisome cells were fifty feet below the ground of the principal court." 

This is the record of the house of the Inquisition at 
Madrid, from the remembrance, after the lapse of thirty 
years, of one whose character and simple manners avouch 
its credibility ; and whose name, if it might be given, would 
confirm it. 

Several of the authors of the volumes, useful and in- 
structive as they are in their general subject, into whose 
pages the story has found an introduction, have, we are 
fully persuaded, no wish to mislead or merely amuse their 
readers with a romantic fiction ; and we can suppose that a 
narrative concerning an institution so mysteriously shrouded 
as that of the Inquisition, might, not without some apparent 
reason, though incautiously and without examination, be 
taken up by them. Still they furnish the advocates of 
intolerance with a ready argument against the reception 
of what can be authentically proved ; they divert the mind 
from the apprehension of larger wrongs than those of in- 
dividual suffering, shocking as they are ; they hold forth a 



J'HE INQUISITION. 193 

» - ■ - " ~ — - — ■ ■ — — ' 

false security that this evil was destroyed, which is even 
now weaving its toils anew. That thundercloud still 
threatens which has for three long centuries shaded the 
best genius of whole nations in religion, in social arts, in 
practical science ; and they, the brightest people in Europe. 
Its influence through successive generations has inflicted a 
bad instinct upon a race, — the instinct of mistrust between 
rulers and people, priest and worshipper, man and man — 
even between the nearest ties of relationship; and iso- 
lating man prevents cooperation and reliance on one 
another in spontaneous combinations for mutual benefit. 
It has destroyed /ai'M in a double sense. That motive or 
principle, formed of free and willing belief, and complete 
and spontaneous trust of the whole mind, which, when 
exercised in religion, we caliyat'M, when applied to the 
physical sciences, has, through confidence and co-operation, 
formed railways, tunnelled rivers, bored through moun- 
tains, and despatched our very words and wishes on the 
wings of lightning. It is one of the lasting and greatest 
crimes of the Inquisition, that it has destroyed this prin- 
ciple in countries where its power prevailed ; and it may 
be evident to any one, that this must remain the latest 
among the Christian commonwealth, to exercise native in- 
vention, and to apply it in the triumph of mind over matter 
for their own and the world's incalculable advantage. 

B. B. WiFFEN.— (vol. X. pp. 122. 137.) 
Lord Monson, vol. x. p. 246., writes as follows : 
Having been at Madrid in the October of 1820, and 
visited the building of the Inquisition, I was desirous to 
see if my own impressions agreed with those in Mr. Wif- 
fen*s interesting conmiunication. The following is a short 
abstract of my notes* 

On the right hand, in the Calle de Flnquisition, was a 
ruinous brick building; certainly not the vast-looking, 
massive, or imposing structure that romance readers would 
have pictured to themselves as the seat of the Inquisition. 
We were told that the populace, in the first fury of the 
It^te jevolution, had gutted the interior ; but our curiosity 

o 



194 THE INQUISITTOK 

would not be satisfied without b personal inspection. We 
then found that the contracted frontage gave an erroneous 
impression of the size ; for the building extended back* 
wu*ds to a great length, and the passages and vaults un* 
derground also occupied considerable space. 

The subterraneous prisons were the first we entered, 
small cells (on each side of a long passage) about six feet 
long, and barely high enough to admit standing upright 
The damp was horrible. The people had turned up the 
floor in every dungeon, for the purpose, as alleged, of 
seeing if any prisoners had been buried beneath. There 
were other prisons less revolting, not being so contracted, 
and receiving light through a grating. The chamber of 
suspicion, t. e. for persons only suspected, was on one side 
of an interior court, and had a grated window high in the 
wall. 

We were shown several chambers of torture, each being 
adapted to some different device. They were all under- 
ground, without light, and removed as much as possible 
from human hearing. All the instruments o£ tortur« were 
now, our guides said, locked up in the upper rooms of the 
building. They volunteered information of what had been, 
which mui^ be taken for what it may be worth. In one 
chamber they pointed out the place where an instrument 
had been fixed, by which the sufferer, being pinioned to 
the wall, underwent the torture of water dropping slowly 
and regularly on the head till he expired. Close by tliis 
had been a machine worked by mechanism, where a ham- 
mer repeated gentle blows on the temples till the same 
effect was produced. In another vault a seat was placed 
between four stoves, to which the accused being fixed, un- 
derwent the punishment of slow roasting. A niche in a 
third room was asserted to be for the purpose of walling up 
alive. In several chambers there were "beams sdll existing 
which the guides declared were used for suspending the 
unfortunates by the arms or legs. Lastly, we entered 
what was called the Campo Santo, which was a vaulted 
room larger than the rest, and used for the burial of the 



THE INQUISITION. 195 

victims. We were forced to creep into this place by a 
hole in the wall, for the narrow staircase which led down 
into it had been closed by order of goyemment. The 
ground here was turned up in every direction in the search 
for bodies after the revolution. In one of the most interior 
courts, about ten feet square, into which no window opened, 
and which, at the depth of this lofty building, looked more 
like the bottom of a well, the prisoner allowed to take the 
air was turned out to pace round and round. We sus- 
pected great exaggeration in what our guides said about 
the number of inmates that had been released, and never 
obtained any authentic information on this point. 

So far my notes assist me ; and at this distance of lime 
I do not choose to add anything from memory. The 
apartment named to us as the Campo Santo, is corro- 
borated as to its purpose by the description of Mr. Wiffen^s 
informant, who visited it six months previous to us ; but 
the altar in that time seems to have been removed. The 
moist chalk he speaks of was probably the quicklime used at 
burials. The trap-door we were not shown. 

These notes produced the following communication, 
ttgned Uneda. 

The attack made upon Col. Lehmanowsky in the first of 
the above articles having been republished in the United 
States, that gentleman, who has been for many years a 
clergyman of the Lutheran Church in this country, has 
taken notice of it in the following letter to the editor of 
the Independent, a religious newspaper published in the 
city of New York. 

Letter from Colonel Lehmanowsky. 

Hamburg, Clark co. Indianay 
Dec. 15, 1854. 

Mb. EDnoB of the Indepbitdent, 

A few days ago, a gentleman gave me to read an article, 

published in a London (England) periodical, called Notes 

and Queries^ in which a writer criticised my statement about 

tlie destruction of the Liquisition Chemastin, near Madrid^. 

o 2 



196 THE INQUISITION, 

in Spain. In perusing this article, my first intention was 
not to take notice of it, and let it pass for what it is worth. 
But yesterday, a friend of mine handed me your paper. 
The Independent, in which my attention was drawn to an 
article signed '^Inquirer.** In said article I am called a 
"Polish refugee;" whereas, the Polish refugees came in 
this country only in 1833 ; whilst I came after the battle of 
Waterloo, in 1816, and have had the honour, since 1821, to 
be a citizen of these United States. 

Secondly, the gentleman says that in the year 1814 the 
king of Spain re-established the " Inquisition," and in 1820 
he or his friend saw that massive building yet standing, and 
therefore I must have made a false statement about its 
being blown up. It seems the learned gentleman thinks it 
needs to rebuild an " Inquisition" as long as. it needed to 
build St. Peter^s at Rome, and in eleven years time it could 
not be rebuilded, as it was blown up in 1809 by the troops 
under my command. May be, if the gentleman would go 
to Moscow, in Russia, at the present time, he will likewise 
say, Moscow has never been burned, and the Kremlin had 
never been blown up by powder in 1812, because, he would 
say, the houses are all standing, and the " massive" buildr 
ings in the Kremlin are there. 

Thirdly, this kind gentleman says that Marshal Soult 
was not the Commandant of Madrid. Who said so ? not I. 
My statement is, that Count Mejol^ was the Commandant, 
but Marshal Soult the Military Commander of the division, 
which not only occupied Madrid, but twenty or thirty mile^ 
round about Madrid. 

And now, Mr. Editor, I think I have done so far my 
duty in answering this very learned gentleman, who made 
the criticism in the Notes and Queries. But allow me to 
remark, -that I am astonished that any one should wait 
twenty years since my first statement, to correct the same. 
It seems to me that those who were always wishing to have 
this statement hushed up, waited until they were sure 
Marshal Soult and Col. De Lisle were dead, and no doubt 
suspected Col. Lehmanowsky was also numbered among 



THE INQUISITION^ 197 

* ■ ^■»— ^ I » Ill . i . ■ .. . " 

the dead, so that they may have free play ; but they are 
mistaken; 

I will only add, as the Lord has blessed me to be nearly 
eighty-two years of age, they should wait a little longer, 
until they are sure that none are living who took part in 
the destruction of the " Inquisition Chemastin.** 

In conclusion, let me inform you, Mr. Editor, that it is 
(with the help of God) my firm resolution to write no more 
on this subject, as I am advanced in age, and can employ 
my time a great deal better to do the work of my Captain 
of Salvation, Jesus Christ, in preaching His Gospel to 
saints and sinners. 

I remain, with due regard, your obedient servant, 

J. J. Lehmanowskt. 

In consequence of Uneda's letter Mr. Wiffen addressed 
the following interesting communication to "N". & Q." in 
confirmation of his former statement. 

In my former article a description is given of the house 
of the General Inquisition of Madrid, at the time when the 
tribunal was suppressed in 1820; and censure is passed 
upon certun writers, English and French, for giving cur- 
rency to a fictitious story of the demolition of a palace of 
the Inquisition near Madrid, in 1809, by the French troops 
under Marshal Soult. The story appeared to have been 
adopted by those writers successively, from a narrative pur- 
porting to have been made by Col. Lehmanowsky, and 
printed in a United States newspaper. In Vol. x., p. 246., 
appear some additional particulars relating to the house of 
the Inquisition, the result of personal inspection in the year 
1820, from the pen of Lord Monson ; and in Vol. xi., p. 108., 
is a communication from Philadelphia to the " N". & Q.,** 
giving the copy of a letter addressed from Hamburg, Clark 
CO. Indiana, to the editor of the Independent^ a New York 
religious newspaper, written from J. J. Lehmanowsky him- 
self, endeavouring to support the credibility of the story 
put forth in his name ; into which newspaper it would seem 
that the first article, or some part of it, had been inserted 

o 3 



198 THE INQUISITION. 



from the ** N. & Q.** His letter mystifies and confounds 
the re-establishment of the Inquisition as an ingtUution^ 
which was suppressed in 1809, and restored to power in 
1814, with the (supposed) reconstruction of an edifice as- 
serted to hare been destroyed. And again resting, it would 
seem, his apocryphal '* Destruction of the Inquisition Che- 
ma^tin** on the circumstance that a decree suppressing the 
Inquisition as an institution was issued by Napoleon in 
1808, during hb temporary residence, from a house of the 
Duque del Infantado*s, at Chamartin, near Madrid; an 
edifice yet standing, and in the gardens of which, in 1851, 
was growing the .staple production of the United States— 
the cotton-plant, producing its flossy down and ripened 
seed. An ** Inquisition Chemastin** never had existence. 

It will have been readily perceived by every candid reader 
of the first article, that its purpose was not personal, as 
Mr. Lehmanowsky by his letter would seem to infer ; it was 
a correction of the too easy adoption by some writers on 
the Romish controversy of a parrative to which they had 
lent the authority of their names, copying one fi:^m another 
without seeking cotemporary proofs. Hence a story that 
might afford an hour's amusement in the columns of the 
newspaper where it first appeared, like any similar novelette^ 
seemed not improbable, by the currency so given it, to be- 
come in this country an established fiction hUioricaly and to 
return to the United States whence it came, with a more 
authentic impression upon it than at first it possessed. 
What efforts are made by the best writers to clear away 
the fables of history already adopted ! Is it not, then, the 
tnoral duty of. an enlightened age to supply the following 
one with materials for historic veracity ? That is no gene- 
rous enthusiasm for liberty and religious truth which would 
needlessly increase its diture perplexity. In works of 
imagination, it may be considered a high species of merit 
to adapt the facts of history in the most perfect manner to 
Romance ; but the best interests of literature are concerned 
in preventing the adaptation of undistinguishable romance 
to history. And as a certain sense of mystery envelopes 



THE INQUISITION. 199 

everything relating to the Inquisition, which excites the 
imagination by its secrecy, it may be worth while to reply 
to Mr. Lehmanowsky's defence of his story, by producing 
here evidence of a more formal kind than the issue of a 
question of mere literary and historical interest might 
otherwise seem to require. 

. This can fortunately be done from a set of papers now 
before me, officially drawn up, witnessed and signed, con- 
firming the statements made in the first article as to the 
fabulous character of the said story. It would be scarcely 
suitable to occupy the columns of the " N. & Q.** with a 
literal transcript of these papers and their technicalities ; 
it may be sufficient to give a sunmiary of the declarations 
here, as the originals, when they have served their purpose, 
will probably be deposited in one of the great public li- 
braries. 

The case opens with a statement of the subject-matter 
made as follows :— That in 1850, a book was published in 
Dublin, printed for Philip Dixon Hardy & Sons, entitled 
The Inquisitum, its History^ Influence^ catd Effects, That 
in this volume of 250 pages, from pp. 209. to 214., is in- 
serted an account of the demolition of the palace of the 
Inquisition (near Madrid) in the year 1809, by order of 
Marshal Soult, as related by the commanding officer who 
destroyed the palace. That thb account is altogether ro- 
mantic and fabulous, and is censured as such in pp. 20, 21. 
of an appendix to a Spanish work by Gonzales de Montes, 
printed in 1851 : that, trusting to the correctness of this 
appendix, the censure was extracted and printed (with re- 
marks to the same purpose) in a London literary periodical, 
called "Notes and Quebies;" but that a gentleman 
named J. J. Lehmanowsky has written » letter in the 
United States, published in the ^ N. & Q.,** re-affirming 
the certainty of the facts ; and adding in his letter, that 
having arrived at the age of eighty, he shall take no trouble 
to correct or reply to any farther remarks on the subject ; 
and that, as the assertions of this gentleman tend to belie 

o4 



200 THE INQUISITION. 

the statements made in the appendix to the work bj 
Montes, it is thought proper to establish their correctness 
by the corroborative testimonies of several respectable and 
truthful persons ; in order to place before him and others 
conclusive proofs that all the incidents of his story are 
fictitious. 

. Hence it is here demonstrated, that the following asser- 
tions are untrue : — 1. That a house of the Inquisition ex- 
isted in 1809, with walls and turrets of solid construction, 
five miles from Madrid. 2. That it was defended by armed 
guards in the service of the Inquisitors. 3. That it was 
handsomely furnished, having also paintings and a library. 
4. That the Inquisitor-General had his residence there. 5. 
That three regiments of French troops, under Marshal 
Soult, went to demolish it ; and that they mined and blew 
it up, with a tremendous explosion. On the contrary, it is 
certain, that there never were more houses for the use of 
the Inquisition of Madrid than one, recently built in the 
Calle de Maria Cristina, No. 4. nuevo ; and another where 
the Inquisitor-General resided, still existing in the Calle de 
Torija, No. 14. neuvo, opposite the present residence of 
Lord Howden, the English ambassador. 

Firstly, D. F. A , Knight of the Order of Carlos UI., 

&c. born, resident, and a proprietor in Madrid, aged sixty- 
four, living in the Plazuela — ^, appeared before the judg« 
and notary; declared that he understood the subject-matter, 
and offered his positive declaration, that the relation is false 
that there had been in 1809 a house of the Inquisition five 
miles distant from Madrid, neither at Chamartin, solidly 
constructed with walls and turrets, or defended by guards 
in the service of the Inquisitors. That it is untrue that 
three regiments of French troops went to demolish it, 
mining and blowing it up ; because there never were more 
houses, for the use of the Inquisition of Madrid, than one, 
recently rebuilt in the Calle de Maria Cristina, No. 4. 
nuevo ; and another, still retaining its ancient form, in the 
Calle de Torija, No. 14. nuevo, where the Inquisitor- 
Greneral lived ; and this stands opposite the house now oc- 



The inquisition. 201 

^m " ' - ■ » ■!■■ I III ■ ■ M ■ I ^ ■ 1^ ■ I «■ — ■■I., . . ■■ ■■ ■, M^ ■■—■■■ Ml M II ■-■■■»« 

eupied bj the English ambassador, Lord Howden. That 
as to the furniture, pictures, and library, he is ignorant ; 
but if these were supposed to be in a house of the Inqui- 
sition five miles from Madrid, the assertion is fabulous; 
because there never e^^isted such an one. That he can 
truly make this declaration, because, in the year 1809, he 
had been residing at Madrid from his birth ; that he weU 
knew the two buildings belonging to the Inquisition ; and 
that he never saw the guards or heard of the supposed de^ 
molition, which, if it had occurred, must have come to his 
knowledge : and this declaration, made under oath, being 
read over, he ratifies it. 

Secondly, D. J. G. V , born at Villafranca, resident 

at Madrid, Calle de — , formerly holding an appointment 
in the department of Receipts of Espolios, since suppressed, 
aged eighty-four, appeared, and stated that he understood 
the subject. That the story is fictitious that there was, in 
1809, a house of the Inquisition five miles from Madrid, 
neither at Chamartin, walled, turreted, and defended by 
guards; that three regiments of French troops, under 
Marshal Soult, went to destroy it, mining and blowing it 
up. That the Inquisition of Madrid never had more than 
two houses ; one now rebuilt in the Calle de Cristina, No. 4. 
nuevo ; and another in the Calle de Torija, No. 14. nuevo, 
where the Inquisitor-General resided, opposite the house 
occupied by the present English ambassador. Lord Howden. 
That he can declare this without the shadow of a doubt ; 
because, in 1809, the period referred to, he attended daily 
at his office in the suppressed department of Eeceipts of 
Espolios, which was held at that time, and continued to be 
held down to the summer of 1811, in the Calle de Lega<* 
nitos ; the first house on the right, entering by the Plazuela 
de Santo Domingo, in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
said houses of the Inquisition, their situation and appear- 
ance being well known to him ; that they never were forti- 
fied ; that he never saw armed guards, or heard the sup- 
posed ruinous explosion. That he is ignorant of the kind 
of furniture, pictures, and library ; never heard of their 



202 THE INQUISITION. 

supposed grandeur : and he makes the declaration under 
oath, and, bemg read over, he ratifies it. 

Thirdly, appeared D. X H. de R , advocate, native 

and resident of Madrid, holding office in the central uni« 
versitj of Madrid, residing in the Flazuela , aged sixty- 
eight, and declared to be false beyond any kind of doubt 
that in 1809 the house of the Inquisition existed five miles 
from Madrid, or at Chamartin, walled, turreted, and de- 
fended by soldiers at the service of the Inquisitors. That 
it is farther fictitious, that tiiree regiments of French troops 
went to demolish it, and having mined it, blew it up. On 
the contrary, there were never more than two houses used 
by the Inquisition of Madrid ; one recentiy rebuilt in the 
Calle de Maria Cristina, No. 4. nuevo, No. 8. formerly ; 
and another still retuning its ancient form in the Calle de 
Torija, No. 14. nuevo, formerly No. 1., where the Inqui- 
sitor-G^eral resided, situated opposite the house now oc- 
cupied by the English ambassador. Lord Howden. That 
he knew nothing of the furniture, pictures, or library there ; 
but in reference to those in the supposed house of the In- 
quisition five mUes from Madrid, according to Mr. Leh- 
manowsky*s account, he could at once declare the descrip- 
tion fictitious, because such an edifice never existed. That 
he could truly make this declaration, because, in 1809, he 
had been living at Madrid from his birth, and perfectiy 
knew the situation of the houses of the Inquisition ; never 
heard the report of the invented demolition, or saw any 
peculiar guards. Made under oath, and, being read over, 
ratified. 

Fourthly, D. L. L -, native of Alicante, resident and 

proprietor in Madrid, Calle de J ^— , aged seventy-four, 
declared positively, that it was not true that, in the year 
1809, there was any house of the Inquisition five miles 
distant from Madrid, nor at Chamartin, with walls, turrets, 
and defended by armed guards. That it is equally false 
that three regiments of French troops were sent to demolish 
it ; that they mined and blew it up. But, on the contrary, 
it is certain there never were but two houses of the Inqui- 



TBE INQUISmOJSr. 208 

- Ill ■ — 

sition of Madrid ; one, now rebuilt, in the Calle de Maria 
Cristina, No. 4. nuevo, No. 8. fyrmetlj ; and another still 
retaining its ancient form in the Calle de Torija, No. 14. 
nuevo, formerly No. 1., where the Inqnisitor-Greneral 
resided, in front of that now occupied bj the English 
ambassador, Lord Howden. That, as to the furniture, 
pictures^ and library, he knew nothing; but as respects 
those mentioned in the relation derived from Mr. Leh- 
manowskj, dusting in a house of the Inquisition five miles 
from Madrid, he could at once declare the description 
untrue, and a pure invention, for such an edifice never 
existed in the manner described ; and that he could truly 
make such declaration, having been domiciled at Madrid 
for sixty-seven years, living there in 1809 ; well knowing 
the two houses of the Inquisition, and never till now heard 
of the demolition, or saw the guards who were the supposed 
defenders. 

These are testimonies of persons of known character, 
present at the place, and of an age to be perfectly cog- 
nizant, at this dbtance of time, of all the public events of 
the period. They are a substantial summary of a set of 
papers drawn up in form, consisting of the following parts, 
which may be worthy of mention as a curiosity in them- 
selves : — A request to make a statement of tlie subject ; 
the recorder's warrant allowing it ; the declarations of four 
witnesses ; the recorder's declaration of the hearing and 
approval of witnesses' veracity; delivery of copy, three 
notaries verifying the signature of the judge, notary, and 
recorder : the judge verifies those of the notaries ; the 
Kegent of the Audiencia, the judge's; the Minister of 
Grace and Justice, the Regent's; the political director, 
the minister's ; the English Constil, the minister's, in these 
words: 

** I hereby certify, that the foregoing seal and signature are those 
officially employed by Don Miguel de los Santos Alvarez, Political 
Director in the office of her Catholic Majesty's Minister for Foreign 
Affiurs • 

''Fbedsrick BsmrAL, H. M.'s ConsoL** (Sealed.) 



204 EVSTACHE DE SAINT PIERRE. . 

And, finally, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, the English Consul's : 

*♦ I certify that I believe the above signature, 'Frederick Bernal/ 
to be the handwriting of Frederick Bemal, Esq^, her Britannic Ma- 
jesty's Consul at Madrid. 

WODEHOUSE, 

Under Secretarv of State. 
1856." (Seal.) 

B. B. WlTFEN. 
EUSTACHE DE SAINT PIERRE. 

With the siege of Calais, and its surrender to Edward 
III. in 1347, is associated the name of Eustache de St. 
Pierre, whose loyalty and devotedness have been im- 
mortalised by the historian, and commemorated by the 
artist's pencil. The subject of Queen Fhilippa*s interces- 
sions on behalf of Eustache and his brave companions is, no 
doubt, familiar to most of your readers; the stern de- 
meanour of the king ; the tears and supplicating attitude 
of the Queen Philippa; and the humiliating position of the 
burgessess of Calais, &c. But what if Eustache de St. 
Pierre had been bought over by King Edward ? For 
without going the length of pronouncing the scenes of the 
worthy citizens, with halters round their necks, to have 
been a " got up *' affair, there is, however, some reason to 
doubt whether the boasted loyalty of Eustache de St. 
Pierre was such as is represented, as will appear from the 
following notes. And however much the statements therein 
contained may detract from the cherished popular notions 
regarding Eustache de St. Pierre, yet the seeker after 
truth is inexorable, or, to use the words of Sir Francis 
Palgrave (Hist of Norm, and JEng., i. 354.), he is expected 
*^ to uncramp or shatter the pedestals supporting the idols 
which have won the false worship of the multitude ; so 
that they may nod in their niches, or topple down." 

In one of the volumes forming part of that valuable 
collection published by the French government, and com- 



EU8TACHE DE SAINT PIERRE. 205 

menced, I believe, under the auspices of M. Guizot, namely, 
the Documeru inedits sttr VHistoire de France^ the following 
passage attracted mj notice : 

'* n (M. de Br^aigny) a prouv^ par des litres authentiques et in- 
comms josqu'^ pr^nt, qa'Eustache de St. Pierre, dont on a si fort 
vant^ le d^vouement poor les habitans de Calais, fut-s^nit par 
Edonard, et qa'il re^ut de ce priqce des pensions et des possessions fort 
pea de temps apr^s la prise de cette place, aux conditions d'y main- 
tenir le bon oidre, et de la conserver k TAngleterre." — See Lettres 
de Rois, ^c, vol. i. Preface, p. cix. 

The above statement is founded on a memoir read before 
the Academie des Belles- Lettres by M. de Brequigny, 
respecting the researches made by him in London (see 
Mem, de V Acad, des BelleS'LettreSy torn, xzzvii.). 

Lingard throws a doubt over the matter. He says : 

** Froissart has dramatised this incident with considerable effect ; 
bat, I fear, with little attention to trath . . . Even in Froissart there 
is nothing to prove that Edward designed to put these men to death. 
On the contrary, he takes notice that the King's refusal of mercy was 
accompanied with a wink to his attendants, which, if it meant any- 
think must have meant that he was not acting seriously." — Ltngard, 
drd edit 1825, vol. iv. p. 79., note 85. 

Again, in Hume : 

" The story of the six burgesses of Calais, like all extraordinary 
stories, is soinewhat to be suspected ; and so much the more, as Aves- 
bury, who is particular in his narrative of the surrender of Calais, 
says nothing of it, and, on the contrary, extols in general the King's 
generosity and lenity to the inhabitants." — Hume, 8vo. 1807, vol. ii., 
note H. 

Both Hume and Lingard mention that Edward expelled 
the natives of Calais, and repeopled the place with English- 
men ; but they say nothing as to Eustache de St. Pierre 
becoming a pensioner of the King's " aux conditions d'y 
maintenu* le bon ordre, et de la conserver 'k TAngle- 

terre." 

Chateaubriand (Etudes Hist^ 1831, Svo., tome iv. p. 104.) 
gives Froissart's narrative, by which he abides, at the same 
time complaining of the " esprit de denigrement " which he 



206 OLIVER CROMWELL A FEOFES 



says prevailed towards the end of the last century in regard 
to heroic actions. 

Regarding Queen Philippa*8 share in the tnmsaction 
above referred to, M. de Br^quigny says : 

<* La relne, qu'on sappose avoir 4it6 A touch^ da malheur des six 
bourgeois dont elle venait de sauYer la vie, ne lalssa pas d'obtenir, 
pen de jours apr^ la confiscation des maisons qne Jean d'Acie, Tun 
d'enz, avait poss^^ dans Calais." 

Miss Strickland {Lives of Queens^ Ist edit., vol. ii. p. 
886.) likewise gives the story as related by Froissart, but 
mentions the fact of Queen Philippa taking possession of 
Jean d' Acre's property, and the doubt cast upon Eustache's 
loyalty ; but she would appear to justify him by reason of 
ying Fhilip*s abandoning the brave Calaisiens to their fate. 
However liis may be, documents exist proving that the 
inhabitants of Calais were indemnified for their losses ; and 
whether or not the family of Eustache de St. Pierre ap- 
proved his conduct, so much is certain, that, on the death 
of the latter, the property which had been panted to him 
by King Edward was confiscated, because fliey would not 
acknowledge their allegiance to the English, (vol. 7. p. 10.) 

Philip S. Kimg. 

OLIVSB CROMWELL AS A FEOFFEB OF FABSON's 

CHASITT, ELY. 

There is in Ely, where Cromwell for some years resided, 
an extensive charity, known as Parson's Charity, of which 
he was a feofiee or governor. The following paper, which 
was submitted to Mr. Carlyle for the second ,or third edition 
of his work, contains all the references to the great Pro- 
tector which are to be found in the papers now in the pos- 
session of the trustees. The appointment of Oliver Crom- 
well as a feoffee does not appear in any of the documents 
now remaining with the governors of the charity. The 
records of the proceedings of the feoffees of his time consist 
only of the coUector's yearly accounts of monies received 
and expended, and do not show the appointments of the 



OT PARSON'S CHARITY, ELY. 207 

feoffees. These accounts were laid before the feoffees from 
time to time, and signed bj them in testimony of llieir 
allowance. 

Cromwell*8 name might therefore be expected to be 
found at the foot of some of them ; but it unfortunately 
happens that, from the year 1622 to the year 1641, there is 
an hiatus in the accounts. At the end of Book No. 1., 
between forty and fifty leaves have been cut away, and at 
the commencement of Book No. 2. about twelve leaves 
more. Whether some collector of curiosities has purloined 
these leaves for the sake of any autographs of Cromwell 
contained in them, or whether their removal may be ac- 
counted for by the questions which arose at the latter end 
of the above period as to the application of the funds of the 
charity, cannot now be ascertained. 

There are, however, still in the possession of the go- 
vernors of the charity, several documents which clearly 
show, that from the year 1635 to the year 1641 Cromwell 
was a feoffee or governor, and took an active part in the 
management of the affairs of the charity. There is an ori- 
ginal bond, dated the 30th of May, 1638, from one Robert 
Newborne to "Daniell Wigmore, Archdeacon of Ely, 
Oliver Cromwell, Esq., and the rest of the Corporation of 
Ely." The feoffees had then been incorporated by royal 
charter, under the title of " The Grovernors of the Lands 
and Possessions of the Poor of the City or Town of Ely.** 

There are some detached collectors* accounts extending 
over a portion of the interval between 1622 and 1641, and 
indorsed, "The Accoumpts of Mr. John Hand and Mr. 
William Cranford, Collectors of the Bevenewes belonging 
to the Towne of Ely.** 

The following entries are extracted from these ac- 
counts: — 

''The Disbonements of Mr. John Hand from the of 

Aognst 1636 unto the of 1641." 

*«Amio 1636.** 

After several other items, — » 



208 OLIVER CROMWELL A FEOFEE 



£ 8. 
** Given to diverse Poore People at y« Worke-house,^ 
In the presence of Mr. Archdeacon of Ely, Mr. Oliver f -« ^^ 
Cromwell, Mr. John Goodericke and others, Feb*'. 10th i 
1636, as appeareth, -^ 



Summa Expens. Ann. 1636 - - - 36 3 6" 

« The Disbursements of Mr. Cranford.** 
" Item, to Jones, by Mr. Cromwell's consent - - 1 0** 

Mr^ Cranford's disbursements show no dates. His re- 
ceipts immediately followed Mr. Hand's in point of dates. 

About the year 1639 a petition was filed in the Court of 
Chancery by one Thomas Fowler, on behalf of himself ancl 
others, inhabitants of Ely, against the feoffees of Parson's 
Charity, and a commission for charitable uses was issued. 
The commissioners sat at Ely on the 25th of January, 1641, 
and at Cambridge on the 3rd of March in the same year, 
when several of the feoffees, with other persons, were 
examined. 

At the conclusion of the joint deposition of John Hand 
and William Cranford, two of the feoffees, is the following 
statement : — 

<* And as to the Profitts of the said Lands in theire tyme receaved, 
they never disposed of any parte thereof but by the direction and 
appointm* of Mr. Daniell Wigmore, Archdeacon of Ely, Mr. William 
March, and Mr. Oliver CromwelL" 

** These last two names were inserted att Camb. 3 Mar. 1641, by 
Mr. Hy. C." 

The last name in the above note is illegible, and the last 
two names in the deposition are of a different ink and hand- 
writing from the preceding part, but of the same ink and 
writing as the note. 

An original summons to the feoffees, signed by the com- 
missioners, is preserved. It requires them to appear before 
the commissioners at the Dolphin Inn, in Ely, on the 25th 
of the then instant January, to produce before the com- 
missioners a true account " of the monies, fines, rents, and 
profits by you and every of you and your predecessors feoffes 
receaved out of the land given by one Parsons for the be- 



OF PARSON'S CHARITY, ELY. 209 

■ ■ ■-!■■ '■■ ■■■■■ - ■■■■- ■■■^■ ■ ■ I I ■ ^^i^— ^ ■■»»—- _ 

nefitt of the inhabitants of Ely for 16 years past,** &c. The 
summons is dated at Cambridge, the 13th of January, 
1641, and is signed by the three commissioners, 

** Tho. Symon. 
Tho. Duckett. 
Dudley Page." 

The summons is addressed 

« To Matthew, Lord Bishop of Ely, 

Willm. Fuller, Deane of Ely, and to 

Daniell Wigmore, Archdeacon of Ely. 

WUlUm March, Esq. 

AnthoDy Page, Esq. 

Henry Goodericke, Gent. 

Oliver Cromwell, Esq. 

Willm. Anger. 

Willm. Craaford. 

John Hand, and 

Willm. Austen." 

Whether Cromwell attended the sitting of the commis- 
sioners does not appear. 

The letter from Cromwell to Mr. John Hand, published 
in CromwelFs Memoirs of Cromwell^ has not been in the 
possession of the feoffees for some years. 

There is, however, an item in Mr. Hand*s disbursements, 
which probably refers to the person mentioned in that 
letter. It is as follows : — 

£ «. d 

** Ffor phislcke and surgery for old Benson - - 2 7 4" 

Cromweirs letter appears to be at a later date than this 
item. 

John Hand was a feoffee for many years, and during his 
time executed, as was usual, the office of collector or 
ti'easurer. It may be gathered from the documents pre- 
served, that Cromwell never executed that office. The 
office was usually taken by the feoffees in turn then, as at 
the present time ; but Cromwell most probably was called 
to a higher sphere of action before his turn arrived. 

p 



210 LADY CATHERINE GREY. 

It is worthy of note, that Cromwell's fellow-trustees, the 
Bishop of Ely (who was the celebrated Matthew Wren), 
Fuller the Dean, and Wigmore the Archdeacon, were all 
severely handled during the Rebellion. 

Asuif. — (vol. i. p. 466.) 

LADY CATHERINE GREY. 

Her marriage with William Earl of Hertford is stated 
to have taken place in the latter end of the year 1560, 
" between AUhallowtide and Christmas," in the earl's house 
in Cannon Kow ; and the clergyman is said to have been a 
Puritan divine, " one of those lately returned from Grer- 
many. Is his name known, and the exact day of the 
month when the marriage took place ? 

In reply to this query, Broctuna, vol. vii. p. 68., writes 
as follows : — 

There appears to be some doubt if the alleged marriage 

ever did take place, for I find, in Baker's Chronicles^ p. 

334., that in 1563 " divers great persons were questioned 

^nd condenmed, but had their lives spared," and among 

them — 

" Lady Katherine Grey, daughter to Henry Grey, Duke of Safiblk, 
by the eldest daughter of Charles Brandon, having formerly been 
married to the Earl of Pembroke's eldest son, and from him soon 
after lawfully divorced, was some years after found to be with child 
by Edward Seymour Earl of Hartford, who, being at that time in 
France, was presently sent for: and being examined before the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, and affirming they were lawfully married, but 
not being able within a limited time to produce witnesses of their 
marriage, they were both committed to the Tower." 

After some further particulars of the birth of a second 
child in the Tower, the discharge of the Lieutenant, Sir 
Edward Warner, and the fining of the Earl by the 
Star Chamber to the extent of 5000/., the narrative pro- 
ceeds : — 

" Though in pleading of his case, one John Hales argued they 
were lawful man and wife by virtue of their own hare consent, without 
any ecclesiastical ceremony J* 



CROMWELL POISONED. 211 

Collins, in his Peerage (1735), states : — 

** The validity of this marriage being afterwards tried at Common 
Law, the minister who married them being present, and other cir- 
cumstances agreeing, the jury (whereof John Digby, Esq., was fore- 
man) found it a good marriage." 

Sharpe, in his Peerage (1833), under the title "Stam- 
ford," says : — 

" * The manner of her departing * in the Tower, which Mr. Ellis has 
printed from a MS. so entitled in the Harleian Collection, although 
less terrible, is scarcely less affecting than that of her heroic sister," 
&c 

CROMWELL POISONED. 

At p. 516. vol. ii. of Burton's Parliamentary Diary it is 
stated, in a note upon the death of Oliver Cromwell, that 
his body exhibited certain appearances "owing to the 
disease of which the Protector died, which, by the by, 
appeared to be that of poison.*' The words, " Prestwich's 
MS." are attached to this note. 

In the AtheruB Oxoniensis of Anthony k Wood, vol. ii. p. 
303., it is stated that Dr. George Bate's friends gave him 
credit for having given a baneful dose to the Protector, to 
ingratiate himself with Charles XL Amidst all the muta- 
tions of those changeful times, and whether Charles I., 
Cromwell, or Charles II. were in the ascendant. Dr. 
George Bate always contrived to be the chief state phy- 
sician. In Whitelock's Memorials of the English Affairs 
(1732), p. 494., it appears that the Parliament, in 1651, 
ordered Dr. Bate to go into Scotland to attend the General 
(Cromwell), and to take care of his health ; he being his 
usual physician in London, and well esteemed by him. 
He wrote a work styled Elenchus Motuum nuperorum in 
Anglid, This was severely scrutinised in another, entitled 
Elenchus Elenchi ; sive Animadversiones in Oeorgii Batei^ 
CromweUi Paricidce, aliquando Protomediciy Elenchi Motum 
nuperorum in Anglid, Autore Robt. Pugh : Parisiis, 
1664. 

Dr. Bate who died 19th April 1669, was buried at 

Kingston- upon-Thames. (vol. ii. p. 367.) 

r 2 



212 OLIVER CROMWELL AND HIS 



OLIVER CROMWELL AND HIS DEALINGS WITH THE 

DEVIL. 

Echard says that his highness sold himself to the devil, 
and that he had seen the solemn compact Anthony a Wood, 
\?ho doubtless credited thb account of a furious brother 
loyalist, in his Journal says : — 

** Aug. 30. 1658. Monday, a terrible raging wind happened, which 
did mnch damage. Dennis Bond, a great Oliverian and anti-mon- 
archist, died on that day, and then the devil took bond for Oliver's 
appearance.'' 

Clarendon, assigning the Protector to eternal perdition, 
not liking to lose the portent, boldly says the remarkable 
hurricane occurred on September 3, the day of 01iver*s 
death. Oliver's admirers, on the other hand, represent this 
wind as ushering him into the other world, but for a yery 
different reason. 

Heath, in his Flagellum (I have the 4th edit.) says : — 

** It pleased God to usher in his end with a great whale some three 
numiha before, June 2, that came up as far as Greenwich, and there 
was killed ; and more immediately by a terrible storm of wind : the 
prognosticks that the great Leviathan of men, that tempest and over- 
throw of government, was now going to his ovm place I " 

I have several works concerning Cromwell, but in no 
other do I find this story very like a whale. Would some 
reader of better opportunities favour us with a record of 
these two matters of natural history, not as connected with 
the death of this remarkable man, but as mere events ? 
Your well-read readers will remember some similar tales 
relative to the death of Cardinal Mazarine. These exu- 
berances of vulgar minds may partly be attributed to the 
credulity of the age, but more probably to the same want 
of philosophy which caused the ancients to deal in ex- 
aggeration, (vol. iii. p. 207.) B. B. 

This note led to the following from S. H. H. : 

Among the papers of an old personal friend and cor- 
respondent of the " Sylvanus Urban " of his day, — a 
clergyman of the good old school, who died a quarter of a 



DEALINGS WITH THE DEVIL, 213 

century ago, aged eighty-six, I find the inclosed. It is un- 
fortunate that no date is att&ched to it, nor any intimation 
of its history. Its owner was the intimate friend of Bennet, 
Bishop of Cloyne, of Dr. Farmer, of Burgess, Bishop of St. 
David's (afterwards Salisbury), and other eminent divines 
of his time. 

With this MS. was inclosed another, in more modern 
writing ; but, from the orthography, copied from an older 
paper, headed " Private Amours of Oliver Cromwell.** 

A NABRATIVE CONCERNmO CROMWELL's DEALINOS WITH THE 

D L. 

"On y« 3d of Sept., in y« morning, Cromwell took Colonel Lindsey, 
his intimate friend, and first Capt. of his regiment, to a wood side 
not far from y« army, and bid him alight and follow him into that 
wood, & take particular notice of what he saw & heard. 

" After they had both alighted & secured their horses, & walked 
some small way into the wood, Lindsey began to turn pale, & to be 
seized with horrour, from some unknown cause : upon wch Cromwell 
askt him how he did, or how he felt himself. He answered, that he 
was in such a trembling & consternation that he never felt y« like in 
all y* conflicts and battles he had been engaged in : But wether it 
proceeded from y* gloomyness of y* place, or y* temperament of his 
body, he knew not. * How now ? ' said Cromwell, * what I trowbled 
with vapours ? Come forward, man.' They had not gon above 20 
yards before Lindsey on a sudden stood still and cry'd out, by all 
that's good he was seized with such unaccountable terrours & 
astonishment that it was impossible for him to stir one step further. 
Upon which Cromwell call'd him faint-hearted fool, & bid him stand 
there & observe or be witness : and then advancing to some distance 
from him, he met with a grave elderly man, with a roll of parchment 
in his hand, who deliver'd it to Cromwell, who eagerly perused it. 
Lindsey, a little recovered from his fear, heard severall loud words 
betwixt them: particularly Cromwell said, *This is but for seven 
year. I was to have it for 21, and it must and shall be so.' The 
other told him positively it coud not be for above seven ; upon which 
Cromwell cry'd with a great fierceness, it shd be, however, for 14 
year ; but the other person plorily declared it could not possibly be 
for any longer time : and if he woud not take it so, there was others 
that woud accept of it : Upon which Cromwell at last took y* parch- 
ment, and returning to Lindsey with great joy in his countenance, 
be cry'd, * Now, Lindsey, the battle's our own : I long to be engag'd.' 

p 3 



214 PRIVATE AMOURS OF 



Retarning oat of the wood, they rode to y* army, Cromwell with a 
resolution to engage as soon as possible, & y" other with a design of 
leaving y« army as soon. After y« first charge Lindsey deserted his 
post, and rode away with all possible speed, day and night, till he 
came into y county of Norfolk, to y« house of an intimate friend, and 
minister of that parish : Cromwell, so soon as he mist him, sent all 
ways after him, with a promise of a great reward to any that w'd 
bring him alive or dead. 

^ Thus far y* narrative of Lindsey himself; but something farther 
is to be remembered to complete & confirm y story. 

" When Mr. Thorowgood saw his friend Lindsey come into his yard, 
his horse and himself just tired, in a sort of amaze he said, * How, 
now, Colonel; we hear there is like to be a battle shortly. What ! 
fled from your colours ? ' * A battle ! ' said y other ; * yes, there has 
bin a battle, and I am sure y* King is beaten. If ^ver I strike a 
stroke for Cromwell again, may I perish eternally, for I am sure he 
has made a league with y* Devil, and he will have him in due time.' 
Then, desiring his protection from CromwelFs inquisitors, he went 
in & related y whole story, and all the circumstances, concluding 
with these remarkable words. That Cromwell w'd certainly die that 
day seven year that the battle was fought. 

'* The strangeness of his relation caused Mr. Thorowgood to order 
his son John, then about 12 years of age, to write it in full length in 
his common place book, & to take it from Lindsey's own mouth. 
This common place book, and likewise y same story writen in other 
books, I am sure is still preserved in y family of y« Thorowgoods : 
But how far Lindsey is to be believed, & how far y® story is to be 
accounted incredible, is left to y* reader's faith and judgment, and 
not to any determination of our own.'* 

PKIVATK AMOURS OF OLIVER CROMWELL. 

The subjoined appears to be a carelessly-made tran- 
script of a contemporary MS., the production, probably, of 
some warm royalist, who may, or may not, have had some 
grounds for his assertions. At all events, it gives a few 
curious details, and, in its general outline, agrees singu- 
larly with the incidents on which Mrs. Behn's play, The 
Bound Heads ; or Tike Good Old Cause, is founded : suffi- 
ciently so to give it at least an air of authenticity, so far as 
the popular belief of the day was concerned. 

** After Cromwell had been declared General of the Commonwealth'9 



OLIVER CROMWELL. 216 

Forces, he seized the possessions of the Royalists, who had escaped 
his implacable resentment ; and the New Hall fell to the share of 
the Usurper, who, flashed with the victory of Worcester, disposed at 
pleasure of the forsaken seats of the noble Fugitives, who still sup« 
ported Charles II. 's Drooping Standards ; and adding insulte to op- 
pression, commanded the domesticks of the Duke of Buckingham to 
follow their master's desperate fortune, and to carry him five shillings, 
which he might want in his exile, for the purchase of a Lordship, 
whose yearly value exceeded then 13G0/. Cromwell kept possession 
of New Hall till he assumed the title of Protector, and was instaled 
at White Hall, in the Pallace of the English Kings : Then he chose 
Hampton Court for his Summer Residence. He led at New Hall an 
obscure life, without pomp, without luxury, having but two servants 
in his retinue. Though his manners were naturally austere, he had 
some private amoures, which he indulged with great Caution and 
Secrecy. His favourites were General Lambert's wife and Major- 
General Vernon's sister : the first was a well-bred, genteel woman, 
fatheless to her husband from natural aversion, and attached to 
Cromwell from a conformity of inclination in a mysterious enjoy- 
ment and stolen embraces, with mask of religious deportment and 
severe virtue : the other was a person made to inspire lust and desire, 
but selfish, revengeful!, and indiscreet These two rivals heartily 
detested each other: Mrs. Lambert reproached Cromwell for his 
affection to a worthless, giddy, and wanton woman ; and Mrs. Ver- 
non laughed at him for being the dupe of the affected fondness and 
hipocry of an artful Mistress. They once met at the house of 
Colonel Hammond, a Creature of Cromwell's, and reviled each other 
with the most virulent sarcasms. Mrs. Lambert, fired with rage 
and resentment, went immediately to New Hall, where Oliver was at 
that juncture, and insisted upon her Rival's dismission for her unpro- 
voked outrage. Cromwell, who was then past the meridian of volup- 
tuous sensations, sacrificed the person he was no longer fit to enjoy, 
to a woman who had gained his esteem and confidence, and delegated 
to Mrs. Lambert all the domestic concerns of his house in Essex. 
Cromwell's wife, called afterwards the Protectress, was a sober help- 
mate, who, dressed in humble stuff, like a Quaker, neither interfered 
in his amours or politics. She never went to New Hall but once, 
and that was on the 25th of April, 1652, when he invited all his 
family to a grand entertainment on account of his Birthday. The 
other Guests were, his mother, who survived his elevation to the Pro- 
tectorship : she was a virtuous woman of the name of Stewart, re- 
lated to the Royall Family ; Desborough, his brother-in-law ; and 
Fleetwood, who had married his daughter ; his Eldest Son, Richard, 
a man of an inoffensive and unambitious Character, who had been 

F 4 



n 



216 BURIAL-PLACE OF 

married some veara, and lived in the country on a small estate 
which he possessed in right of his wife, where he spent his time in 
acts of benevolence : at the trial of Charles I. he fell on his knees 
and conjured his Father in the most pathetic manner to spare the 
life of his Sovereign; his brother Henry, afterwards Grovemor of 
Ireland, where he was universally beloved for his mild administra- 
tion; Mrs. Claypole, the darling of her father; and his three other 
daughters : Mrs. Rich, manied to the Grandson and heir of the Earl 
of Warwick; Lady Falconbridge; and the Youngest, who lived in 
celibacy. They spent a week at New Hall, in innocent mirth and 
jollity ; Oliver himself joining in convivial pleasure with his chil- 
dren, disengaged the whole time from state affairs and Political 
Speculations. 

** His constant visitors at New Hall were some Regicides, and the 
meanest, lowest, and most ignorant among the Citizens on whome he 
had decreed that the Sovereign power should be vested. To excell 
in Fanaticism seemed a necessary qualification in this new parlia- 
ment ; and Oliver foresaw that they would soon throw up the reins 
of Government, which they were unqualified to guide, and raise him- 
self to an unlimited power far beyond that of former Kings. 

'*It seems Mrs. Lambert continued to reside at New Hall daring 
Cromwell's Protectorship, and that Col. Wite, his trusty friend, was 
often sent with kind messages and preasents from Oliver, who tra- 
velled himself in the night, with harry and precipitation, to enjoy 
^yith her some moments of domestic comfort and tranquility." 



WHERE WAS CROMWELL BURIED ? 

It has been the belief of many that the burial at West- 
minster Abbey was a mock ceremony ; that in case a 
change in the ruling powers should take place, his re- 
mains were deposited in a place of greater security, and 
that the spot selected for his grave was the field of Naseby. 
The author of The Compleat History of England speaks 
of a " Mr. Barkstead, the regicide's son/* as being ready 
to depose — 

**That the said Barkstead his father, being Lieutenant of the Tower, 
and a great confident of CromwelPs, did, among other sach confi- 
dents, in the time of his illness, desire to know where he would be 
buried ; to which the Protector answered, * where he had obtained the 
greatest victory and glory, and as nigh the spot as could be guessed 



OLIVER CROMWELL. 217 

where the heat of the action was, viz. in the field at Naseby in com. 
Northampton.' That at midnight, soon after his death, the body 
(being fint embalmed and wrapt in a leaden coffin) was in a hearse 
conveyed to the said field, Mr. Barkstead himself attending, by order 
of his father, close to the hearse. That being come to the field, they 
foand about the midst of it a grave dug about nine feet deep, with 
the green-sod -carefully laid on one side and the mould on the other, 
in which the coffin being put, the grave was instantly filled up, and 
the green-sod laid exactly flat upon it, care being taken that the 
surplus mould should be clean removed. That soon after the like 
care was taken that the ground should be ploughed up, and that it 
was sowed successively with corn." 

The author further states that the deponent was about 
fifteen years old at the time of Cromwell's death. 

Some seven or eight years ago I visited the field of 
Naseby; and whilst there, I met by accident with the 
aged clergyman of Naseby. Our conversation naturally 
referred to the historical incident that had given so much 
interest to the spot ; and finally we spoke of this very 
subject. I remember his telling me that he had collected 
some very important memoranda relative to this matter. I 
think he said, " which proved the arrival of his remains at 
Huntirigdonj on their road elsewhere,** 

Has this subject been properly investigated? and has 
any research been made which has led to a satisfactory 
decision of the question ? A.B.— (vol. v. p. 396.) 

In reply to this query, Mr. Oliver Pemberton writes as 
follows: — 

A. B. will find that the interesting inquiry relative to the 
last resting-place of Cromwell, has been investigated in a 
little work by Henry Lockinge, M.A., late curate of 
Naseby, entitled Historical Gleanings on the Memorable 
Field of Naseby^ published in 1830. Mr. Lockinge, besides 
alluding to the " Memoranda " of the vicar, the Rev. W. 
Marshall, on the subject, adduces evidence, apparently 
satisfactory, which leaves the Protector's remains slum- 
bering, " uncommemorated, beneath the turf of Naseby 
Field." 



218 DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, 



DEFENDER OP THE FAITH. 

In Banks* Dormant and Extinct Baronetage^ pp. 408-9, 
vol. iv., I find the following : — 

** He (Henry YIIl.) was the first English monarch who obtained 
the title of Defender of the Faith, which was conferred upon him by 
Pope Leo X, for a book written by him against Martin Luther." 

To which the following note is subjoined : — 

** But in a letter from Christopher Wren, Esq., to Francis Peek, 
M.A. (author of the Desiderata Curiosa)^ it is thus stated ; viz., * that 
King Henry VII. had the title of Defender of the Faith, appears by 
the Register of the Order of the Garter in the black book, (sic dic- 
tum a tegmine,) now in my hands, by office, which having been 
shown to King Charles I., he received with much joy ; nothing more 
pleasing him than that the right of that title was fixed in the crown 
long before the Pope's pretended donation, to all which I make pro- 
testation to all posterity.' AvToypd^cD, hoc meo. Itk testor. Chr. 
Wren, k memoria, et secretis Honoratissimi Ordinis. Wrexham, 4 
March, 1736-7." 

In support of this note, I find in Chamberlayne's Present 
State of England, 1669, p. 88^ this statement : — 

" Defender of the Faith was anciently used by the Kings of Eng- 
land, as appears by several charters granted to the University of Ox- 
ford," &c 

As the word anciently, I conceive, applies to a period an- 
terior to 1521, may I express a hope that some of your 
learned subscribers at Oxford will favour your readers 
with the dates of the charters alluded to ; and, if possible, 
some information as to the circumstances which led to the 
adoption of the title " Defender of the Faith" by the kings 
of England previous to the reign of Henry VIII. 

lioBEBT Anstbutheb, Lieut.-Col. — (vol. ii. p. 442.) 

In reply to this, Mr. Sidney Gibson writes as follows : — 
It is quite startling to be told that the title of " Defen- 
der of the Faith ** was used by any royal predecessor of 
Henry VIIL 



DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, 219 



Selden {Titles of Honour^ ed. 1631, p. 54.), says: — 

" The beginning and ground of that attribute of Defender of 
THE Faith, which bath been perpetually, in the latter ages, added 
to the style of the kings of England, (not only in the first person, but 
frequent also in the second and in the third, as common use shows in 
the formality of instruments of conveyance, leases and such like,) is 
most certainly known. It began in Henry the VIII. For he, in 
those awaking times, upon the quarrel of tl^e Romanists and Lu- 
therans, wrote a volume against Luther," &c. 

Selden then states the well-known occasion upon which 
this title was conferred, and sets out the Bull of Leo X, 
(then extant in the Collection of Sir Robert Cotton, and 
now in the British Museum), whereby the Pope, " holding 
it just to distinguish those who have undertaken such pious 
labours for defending the faith of Christ with every honour 
and commendation," decrees that to the title of King the 
subjects of the royal controversialist shall add the title 
" Fidei Defensor!." The pontiff adds, that a more worthy 
title could not be found. 

Your correspondent. Colonel Anstbutheb, calls atten- 
tion to the statement made by Mr. Christopher Wren, 
Secretary of the Order of the Garter (a. d. 1736), in his 
letter to Francis Peek, on the authority of the Register of 
the Order in his possession; which letter is quoted by 
Burke {Dorm, arid Ext Bar,, iv. 408.), that " King Hen- 
ry VII. had the title of Defender of the Faith." It is not 
found in any acts or instruments of his reign that I am ac- 
quainted with, nor in the proclamation on his interment, 
nor in any of the epitaphs engraved on his magnificent 
tomb. (Sandford, Geneal, Hist.) Nor is it probable that 
Pope Leo X., in those days of diplomatic intercourse with 
England, would have bestowed on Henry VIII., as a special 
and personal distinction and reward, a title that had been 
used by his royal predecessors. 

I am not aware that any such title is attributed to the 
sovereign in any of the English records anterior to 1521 ; 
but that many English kings gloried in professing their zeal 
to defend the Church and religion, appears from many ex- 



220 DEFENDER OF THE FAITB, 

amples. Henry IV., in the second year of his reign, pro- 
mises to muntain and defend the Christian religion {RoU 
Pari., iii. 466.) ; and on his renewed promise, in the fourth 
year of his reign, to defend the Christian faith, the Com- 
mons piously grant a subsidy (T&irf,, 493.) ; and Henry VI., 
in the twentieth year of his reign, acts as keeper of the 
Christian faith. (Rot Pari, v. 61.) 

In the admonition used in the investiture of a knight 
with the insignia of the Garter, he is told to take the 
crimson robe, and being therewith defended, to be bold to 
fight and shed his blood for Christ^s faith, the liberties of 
the Church, and the defence of the oppressed. In this 
sense, the sovereign and every knight became a sworn de- 
fender of the faith. Can this duty have come to be popu- 
larly attributed as part of the royal style and title ? 

The Bull of Leo X., which confers the title on Henry VHI. 
personally, does not make it inheritable by his successors, 
so that none but that king himself could claim the honour. 
The Bull granted two years afterwards by Clement VII. 
merely confirms the grant of Pope Leo to the king himself. 
It was given, as we know, for his assertion of doctrines of 
the Church of Rome ; yet he retained it after his separa- 
tion from the Roman Catholic communion, and after it had 
been formally revoked and withdrawn by Pope Paul IIL 
in the twenty-seventh year of Henry VIII., upon the king's 
apostacy in turning suppressor of religious houses. In 1543, 
the Reformation legislature and the Anti-papal king, with- 
out condescending to notice any Papal Bulls, assumed to 
treat the title that the Pope had given and taken away as a 
subject of Parliamentary gift, and annexed it for ever to 
the English crown by the statute 35 Hen. VIII. c. 3., from 
which I make the following extract^ as its language bears 
upon the question : 

** Where our most dtead, &c., lord the king, hath heretofore been, 
and is justly,- lawfully, and notoriously kno wen, named, published, 
and declared to be King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender 
of the Faith, and of the Church of England and also of Ireland, in 
earth supreme head ; and hath justly and lawfully used the title and 



DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, 221 



name thereof as to his Grace appertaineth. Be it enacted, &c., that 
all and singular his Grace's subjects, &c., shall from henceforth accept 
and take the same his Majesty's style .... viz., in the English 
tongue by these words, Henry the Eighth, by the grace of God King 
of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of the 
Church of England, and also of Ireland, in earth the supreme head ; 
and that the said style, &c., shall be, &c., united and annexed for 
ever to the imperial crown of his highness's realms of England." 

By the supposed authority of this statute, and notwith- 
standing the revocation of the title by Pope Paul III., and 
its omission in the Bull addressed by Pope Julius III. to 
Philip and Mary, that princess, before and afler her mar- 
riage, used this style, and the statute having been re-esta- 
blished by 1 Eliz. c. 1., the example has been followed by 
her royal Protestant successors, who wished thereby to de- 
clare themselves Defenders of the Anti-papal Church. The 
learned Bishop Gibson, in his Codex (i. 33., note), treats 
this title as having commenced in Henry VIII. So do 
Blount, Cowel, and such like authorities. Since writing 
the above, I have found (in the nineteenth volume of At" 
chtBologia, pp. 1 — 10.) an essay by Mr. Alex. Luders on 
this very subject, in which that able writer, who was well 
accustomed to examine historical records, refers to many 
examples in which the title "Most Christian King** was 
attributed to, or used by, English sovereigns, as well as the 
kings of France ; and to the fact, that this style was used 
by Henry YII., as appears from his contract with the 
Abbot- of Westminster (Harl. MS. 1498.). Selden tells us 
that the emperors had from early times been styled " De- 
fensores Ecclesise ; *) and from the instances cited by Mr. 
Luders, it appears that the title of "Most Christian** was 
appropriated to kings of France from a very ancient period ; 
that Pepin received it (a. d. 755) from the Pope, and 
Charles the Bald (a. d. 859) from a Council : and 
Charles YI. refers to ancient usage for this title, and 
makes use of these words : 

** nostrorum progenitorum imitatione— evangelica veritatis 

PSFENSORSS— nostra regia dignitas divino ChriatiantB relig^onis 
titulo glorioaios insignitur ,** 



222 DEFENDER OF THE FAITH. 

Mr. Luders refers to the use of the words " Nos zelo 
Jidei cathoUccBy cujus sumus et erimus Deo dante Def en- 
sores, salubriter commoti" in the charter of Richard II. to 
the Chancellor of Oxford, in the nineteenth year of his 
reign, as the earliest introduction of such phrases into acts 
of the kings of England that he had met with. This zeal 
was for the condemnation of WycliflTs Trialogus. In the 
reign of Hen. IV. the writ "De Hseretico comburendo" 
had the words " Zelator justitia et fidei catholicse cultor ;" 
and the title of " Tres Chretien " occurs in several instru- 
ments of Hen. VI. and Edw. IV. It appears very pro- 
bable that this usage was the foundation of the statement 
made by Chamberlayne and by Mr. Christopher Wren : 
but that the title of Defender of the Faith was used as part 
of the royal style before 1521, is, I believe, quite untrue. 
Vol. ii. p. 481. 

To this Colonel Anstruther rejoined : — 

I regret that my Note, inserted in your paper of Nov. 
30th, was so ambiguously written as to elicit such a reply 
as it has been favoured with by Mr. Gibson. 

What I meant to say in my last Note was simply this — 
that two persons, viz. Messrs. Christopher Wren and 
Chamberlayne, have asserted that the title " Defender of 
the Faith" had been used by our monarchs anterior to 
1521 ; and, in support of their assertions, cite the Black 
Book of the order of the garter, and several charters granted 
to the University of Oxford : that is, each gives a distinct 
proof of his allegation. 

Had Mr. Gibson understood my Note, as I trust he now 
will, he will see at once that the expression " untrue *' is 
totally inapplicable to their statements, at least upon any 
showing upon his part ; for he does not appear to me to 
have consulted either the Black Book or the charters, on 
which alone their assertions are based, to which alone we 
must in common honesty refer, and by which alone their 
veracity must be judged. 

That their " startling" statements do not appear in Sel- 
den, nor in Luder's brief paper in the 19th vol. of the 



DEFENDER OF THE FAITH. 223 

ArchcBohgicLt is conceded ; but I think it might have oc- 
curred to the mind of one of less acumen than Mr. Gibson, 
that it was precisely because the allegations do not appear 
in these or any other writers or authorities, that I con- 
sidered them not unworthy of the attention of the readers 
of the " Notes and Quebubs." I am at a loss to reconcile 
Mr. Gibson*s expression '^startling,'* as applied to the 
assertions of Messrs. Wren and Chamberlayne (and I need 
not add, that had they not been startling to myself as to 
him, they would never have found their way to your paper), 
with the following paragraph : — 

** In this sense, the sovereign and every knight became a sworn 
defender of the faith. Can this duty have come to be popularly attri- 
buted as part of the royal style and title ? " 

I do not allude to this statement in a critical point of 
view, but simply, as, from the general tenor of his commu- 
nication, Mr. Gibson appears to labour under an impression, 
that, from ignorance of historical authorities, I have merely 
given utterance to a popular fallacy, unheard of by him and 
other learned men ; and, like the " curfew," to be found in 
no contemporaneous writer. I beg, however, to assure him, • 
that before forwarding the note and question to your 
paper, I had examined not only the Bulls, and our best 
historians, but also the works of such writers as Prynne, 
Lord Herbert, Spelman, Camden, and others, who have in 
any way treated of regal titles and prerogatives. 

Vol. iii. p. 10. 

In CoUectanea Topographica et Oenealogica^ vol. vi. 
p. 321., is an indenture of lease 

" maide the xxijth day of Januarye, in the second yeare of the reagne 
of King Henry the seaventhe, by the graice of God Kinge of England, 
defeiuioure ofthe/aithe" &c 

The lessor, Christopher Ratlife, of Hewick, died before 
10 Henry VII. ; and the editor of the above work says, 
" It is impossible to account for the peculiarity in the date 
of this deed." 

Bishop Burnet cites Spelman as asserting that several of 



224 DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, 



the kings of England before Henry YIII. had borne the 
title of " Defender of the Faith." A correspondent of the 
GendemcaCs Magazine (N.S. xvi. 357.) conjectures that 
the name of Spelman had been inadvertently substituted 
for the name of Selden; though he justly remarks, that 
Selden by no means oountenances die assertion of the 
bishop. C. H. Cooper. — (vol. iii. p. 28.) 

In the fourth part of Prynne*s InstitiUes^ pp. 229-30, and 
295-6-7, will be found, set out at full length, divers letters 
close and patent from King Bichard II. in the Gth, 1 1th, 
and 19th years of his reign, for suppressing the heresies of 
Wickliff and his followers. These letters are addressed to 
the Chancellor of the University of Oxford, William Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury (Courtney), and to Ralfe Crombe- 
well, Chivalier, and John Lekyll, and the Mayor and 
Bailiffs of Nottingham, in which King Bichard U. styles 
himself thus — '* Nos Zelo Fidei Catholicse, Cujus Sumus £t 
Esse Yolumus Defensores," &c. 

H. WiTHAM. — (vol. iii. p. 94.) 

Should not King Edward the Confessor's claim to defend 
the church as OocPm Vicar be added to the several valuable 
notices in relation to the title Defender of the Faith, with 
which some of your learned contributors have favoured us 
through your pages ? 

According to Hoveden, one of the laws adopted from the 
Anglo-Saxons by William was : — 

** Rex antem atque vicarius Ejus ad hoc est constitatus, ut regnum 
terrenum, popolam Dei, et super omnia sanctam eccUsiam, revereatur 
et ab injuriatoribus defendatf* &c. 

Which duty of princes was further enforced by the words — 

** Illos decet vocari reges, qui vigilant, defendunt, et regunt Eccle- 
Biam Dei et populum Ejus, imitantes regem psalmographum," &c. — 
Yid. Rogeri de Hoveden Annal., par. post., §. Regis Officiom ; ap. 
Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam, ed. Francof. 1601, p. 604. 
Conf. Prynne*8 ChronoL Records, ed. Lond. 1666, torn, i p. 810. 

This law appears always to have been received as of 
authority after the Conquest ; and it may, perhaps, be con- 



r 



EXECUTION OF CHARLES I, 225 



^idered as the first seed of that constitutional church su- 
premacy vested in our sovereigns, which several of our 
kings before the Reformation had occasion to vindicate 
against Papal claims, and which Henry VIIL strove to 
carry in the other direction to an unconstitutional excess. 

' J. Sansom.— (iii. p. 157.) 

EXECUTION OP CHABLES I, 

The following communications appeared in reply to a 
query as to the name of the executioner who beheaded 
Charles I. 

Minutes of the trial and conviction of one ** William Hu- 
lett, alias Howlett," on the charge of having struck " the 
fatal blow,'' will be found in An exact and most impartial 
Accompt of the Indictment, Arraignment, Trial, and Judg^ 
ment (according to Law) of Twenty-nine Regicides, ^e. 
1660. How far the verdict was consistent with the evi- 
dence (or, indeed, the whole proceedings of that court 
with the modern sense of justice), abler judges than I 
have long since determined. 

On behalf of the prisoner Hulett, witnesses ("not to be 
admitted upon oath against the king*') deposed that the com- 
mon hangman, Richard Brandon, had frequently confessed 
(though he had also denied) that he had beheaded the 
king. One of these depositions, that of William Cox, is so 
remarkable, that I am induced to transcribe it. If it be 
true, we need hardly question that Richard Brandon was 
the executioner. 

** WilHam Cox examined. 
"When my Lord Capell, Duke Hamilton, and the Earl of Holland, 
were beheaded in the Palace-yard, in Westminster, my Lord Capell 
asked the common hangman, said he, *Did you cut off my master's 
head ? * * Yes,* saith he. * Where is the instrument that did it ? » 
He then brought the ax. * Is this the same ax ; are you sure V 
said my Lord. * Yes, my Lord,' saith the hangman, « I am very sure 
it is the same.' My Lord Capell took the ax and kissed it, and gave 
him five pieces of gold. I heard him say, 'Siixah, wert thou not 



226 EXECUTION OF CHARLES I 

afiraid ? ' Saith the hangman, ' They made me cat it off, and I 
had thirty pound for my pains.* ** 

William Franks Mathsws. — (ii. p. 110.) 

Mr. Hunter gives a traditioh, in his History of HaUam" 
skire^ that a certain William Walker, who died in 1700, and 
to whose memory there was an inscribed brass plate in the 
parish church of Sheffield, was the executioner of Charles I. 
The man obtained this reputation from having retired from 
political life at the Restoration, to his native village, Dar- 
nall, near Sheffield, where he is said to have made death- 
bed disclosures, avowing that he beheaded the king. The 
tradition has been supported, perhaps suggested, by the 
name of Walker having occurred during the trials of some 
of the regicides, as that of the real executioner. 

Alfsed Gattt. — (ii. p. 140.) 

In Lilly's History of his Life and Times, I find the fol- 
lowing interesting account in regard to the vizored execu- 
tioner of Charles I., being part of the evidence he gave when 
examined before the first parliament of King Charles IL 
respecting the matter. Lilly writes, — 

** Liberty being given me to speak, I related what follows : viz.? 
That the next Sunday but one after Charles I. was beheaded, l^obert 
Spavin, Secretary to Lieutenant-General Cromwell at that time, in- 
vited himself to dinner 'with me, and brought Anthony Pearson and 
several others along with him to dinner. That their principal dis- 
course all dinner time was only who it was that beheaded the king. 
One said it was the common hangman; another, Hugh Peters; 
others were also nominated, but none concluded. Bobert Spavin, so 
soon as dinner was done, took me by the hand, and carried me to 
the south window. Saith he, * These are all mistaken ; they ha^^ 
not named the man that did the fact: it was Lieutenant-Colonel 
Joiv-e. I was in the room when he fitted himself for the work ; stood 
behind him when he did it ; when done, went in with him again : 
there is no man knows this but my master, viz. Cromwell, Commis- 
sary Ireton, and myself.' — * Doth Mr. Rushworth know it ? ' saith I. 
' No, he doth not know it,' saith Spavin. The same thing Spavin 
since has often related to me, when we were alone.^ 

R. W. E.-(ii. p. 268.) 
In a letter which is preserved in the State Paper office, 



LAST DAYS OF GEORGE IV, 227 



addressed to Secretary Bennet, by Lord Ormonde and the 
Council of Ireland, and dated the 29th of April, 1663, their 
Lordships request the Secretary to move his Majesty that 
'* Henry Porter, then known as Martial General Porter, 
standing charged as being the person by whose hand the 
head of our late Sovereign King Charles the First, of 
blessed memory, was cutt off, and now two years im- 
prisoned in Dublin, should be brought to trial in Eng- 
land." J. F. F. — (v. p. 28.) 

LAST DAYS OF GBOBGE lY, 

On May 24, 1830, a message was delivered to both 
Houses of Parliament to the efieet that the King found it 
^Mneonvenient " to sign public documents with his own 
h«nd. A bill immediately passed both Houses, authorising 
the sign-manual to be executed by a stamp, which was to 
be used for that purpose in the king's presence, every 
document being first indorsed by three members of the 
Privy Council. On the 26th of June following his Majesty 
expired, at three o*clock in the morning. 

In the London Cktzette of June 4, 1830, will be found the 
following notice : ** The king has been pleased to appoint 
the Right Hon. Charles Lord Farnborough, Gen. Sir Wm. 
Keppel, and Major-Gen. Sir Andrew Francis Barnard, to 
be his Commissioners for affixing his Majesty's signature to 
instruments requiring the same.** This was in consequence 
of the Act 11 Geo. lY. cap. 23., passed May 29th, 1830. 
The principal public Acts passed from that day to the death 
of the king are the following : 11 Geo. IV. cap. 16., Duties 
on .leather ; cap. 17., Malt duties; cap. 18., Marriages; 
cap. 20., Pay of the navy ; cap. 26., Exchequer bills ; cap. 
27., General lighting and watching ; cap. 29., Militia ballot ; 
cap. SO., Population. 

CONVOCATION IN THE REIGN OF GEORGE H. 

One hears it so often repeated, that Convocation was 
finally suppressed in 1717^ in consequence of the accusa- 

q2 



228 CROMWELL* S^BIRTB AND BAPTISM. 

tions brought by the Lower House against Bishop Hoadley, 
that it seems worth while noting, in correction of this, that, 
though no licence from the Crown to make canons has ever 
been granted since that time, yet that Convocation met and 
sat in 1728, and again for some sessions in the spring of 
1742, when several important subjects were brought before 
it; among which was the very interesting question of 
curates^ stipends, in these words, — 

<* Yllth. That much reproach is brought upon the beneficed, and 
much oppression upon the unbeneficed, clergy, by curates accepting 
too scanty salaries from incumbents," 

and which was really the last subject that was ever brought 
before Convocation. On Jan. 27, 1742, it was unanimously 
agreed, that '^ the motion made by the Archdeacon of 
Lincoln concerning ecclesiastical courts and clandestine 
marriages, the qualifications of persons to be admitted into 
holy orders, and the salaries and titles of curates," should 
be '* reduced into writing, and the particulars offered to 
the House at their next assembly.'* But in the next 
session, on March 5, 1742, the Prolocutor, Dr. Lisle, was 
afraid to go on with the business before the House,^ and 
after ^' speaking much of a prcsmtmire^^ and ** echoing and 
reverberating the word from one side of good King Henry^s 
Chapel to the other,** the whole was let drop ; and Convoca- 
tion was fully consigned to the silence and the slumber of 
a century. The whole of these transactions are detailed in 
a scarce pamphlet, A Letter to the Rev, Dr. Lisle, Prolocutor 
of the Lower House, by the Archdeacon of Lincoln (the 
Venerable G. Reynolds) W. Fsaseb. — (viii. p. 465.) 

cbohwell's birth and baptism. 

The following is a copy from the Register of All Saints' 
Church, Huntingdon, of the birth and baptism of Oliver 
Cromwell : — 

** Anno Domini 1599 Oliverus filins Roberti Cromwell generoai et 
Elisabethn buxoris ejus Natus vicesimo quinto die Aprilis et Bap* 
tisatus vicesimo nono ejusdem mensis." 



TRAFALGAR AND THE DEATH OF NELSON, 229 

Then follow the words " England's plague for many years,*' 
written in a different hand. 

As a pendant to this certificate of Cromweirs baptism, 
it may be as well to lay before our readers the following 
entry of the time of his birth, which occurs in John 
Booker's Astrological Practice Book, Ashmole MS. 183., p. 
373. : — " Oliver Cromwell born 25 Apl. 1599, about 3 
o'clock A. M., at Huntington." 

In another Ashmole MS. 332, 1 1 b., which is a collection 
of figures set by Ashmole himself, Oliver Cromwell's birth 
is assigned to 22nd April, 1599. The figure is designated 
by Ashmole, in a spirit very different from that of the 
annotator of the Baptismal Begister, "Nativitas ilia 
magna. ' 

Another minute fact in the history of Cromwell is 
registered in the same MS. 332., fo. 105. : Oliver Crom- 
well "received the sword in Westminster Hall, 16th De- 
cember, 1653, 2° 17' P.M." 

These facts are mentioned in Mr. Black's recent cata- 
logue of the Ashmole MSS. pp. 142. 222. 

BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR AND DEATH OF NELSON. 

The following letter relates to the important national 
events of the battle of Trafalgar and death of Nelson. 
The writer was, at the time, a signal midshipman in the 
service, and only about thirteen years of age. He was a 
native of Glasgow, and died many years since, much re- 
spected. 

H.M.S. Defence, 

At anchor off Cadiz, 28 Oct. 1805. 

My dear Betty [the writer's sister], 

I have now the pleasure of writing you, after a noble 

victory over the French and Spanish fleets on the 21st 

October, off Cape Spartel. We have taken, burnt and 

sunk, gone on shore, &c., twenty-one sail of the line. The 

names I will let [you] know after. On the 19[th] our 

frigates made the signal ; the Combined Fleets were com- 

Q 3 



230 TRAFALGAR AND THE DEATH OF NELSON. 



ing out ; 80 as we are stationed between the frigate and 
our fleet, we repeated ditto to Lord Nelson. It being 
calm we could not make much way, but in the course of 
the night we got a strong breeze, and next morning our 
frigate made the signal for them, being all at sea. So on 
the afternoon of the 20[th] we saw them to leeward ; but 
it was blowing fresh and very hazy, so Lord Nelson made 
our signal for a captain ; so our captain went on board, 
and Lord Nelson told Captain Hope he expected he would 
keep sight of them all night. So on the morning of the 
21st we observed them to leeward about two miles, so we 
made the signal to Lord Nelson how many the bearings, 
and everything ; so brave Nelson bore down immediately ; 
and at twelve o'clock Lord Nelson broke the south* line, 
and brave Admiral Collin [g] wood the north; and at two 
Vclock we were all in action. We were the last stationed 
ship ; so when we went down we had two Frenchmen and 
one Spaniard on us at one time. We engaged them forty 
six minutes, when the ** Achille " and " Polyphemus *' came 
up to our assistance. The Spaniard ran away ; we gave 
him chase, and fought him one hour and forty- six minutes, 
when he struck, and we boarded him, and have him safe 
at anchor, as we have not had a good wind. I am sorry to 
Say poor Lord Nelson was wounded the second broadside. 
He went down and got his wounds dress'd, and he was 
wounded a second time, and he just lived to hear of the vic- 
tory. The ship we took, her name is the ** San Ddifonzo," 
eighty-two guns, and a very fine ship, new. I don*t think 
we will save more than twelve sail of them : but we have 
sunk, burnt, drove on shore, twenty-one sail of the line 
in all ; and if we bad not had a gale of wind next day, we 
would have taken every one of them. We were riding close 
ii\ shore with two anchors a^head, three cables on each 
bower, and all our sails were shot to pieces, ditto our rudder 
and stern, and mainmast, and everything ; but, thank good, 
I am here safe, though there was more shot at my quarters 
than any other part of the ship. We are now at anchor, 
but expect to go to Gibraltar every day. I hope in good 



TRAFALGAR AND THE DEATH OF NELSON. 231 

jou are all in health : I was never better in all mj life. 

My comp^ to all friends [&c ] and mj dear fj^ther 

and mother. 

I am 
Your affectionate brother, 

(Signed) Charles Reib. 

Tou must excuse this letter, as half our hands are on 
board our prize, and have had no time. I have been two 
days writing this ; five minutes one time, and ten minutes 
another time, and so on. We are just getting under way 
for Gibraltar. 

Kow for the French and Spanish ships taken, burnt, run 
on shore, &c, &c. : — 

Bucentaure, 80, taken. French. 

. Santiss* Trinidada, 130, sunk. Spanish. 

Santa, taken, but afterwards got into Cadiz. 

Kayo, 110, sunk. French. 

Bahama, 74, taken. French. 

Argonauta, 80, sunk and burnt. 

Neptuna, 90, on shore. 

San Ildifonzo, 80, taken by the Defence. 

Algazeras, 74, on shore ; Swiftsure, 74, Gib. ; Berwick, 
74, Gib. All English ships taken by the French last war. 

Intrepid, 74, burnt. 

Aigle, 80, on shore. 

Tonguer, 80, on shore [MS. uncertain]. 

De 74, Gibraltar [ditto]. 

Argonauta, 74, Gib. 

Kedoubtable, 74, sunk. 

Achell, 74, burnt. 

Manareo, 74, on shore. 

San Augustino, 74, Gibraltar. 

There is not one English ship lost, but a number lost 
their masts. (Signed) C. K. 

The writer had a brother, Andrew Reid, who bore a 
commission in the ships of Captain Farry in the first 
Arctic expedition. — (vol. ix. p. 297.) 

q4 



232 CROMWELVS SKULL. 



/ cbomwell's skull. 

I believe that a skull, maintained by arguments of con- 
siderable weight to be the veritable skull of the Protector, 
is now carefully kept in the hands of some person in Lon- 
don. It is understood that this interesting relic is retained 
in great secrecy, from the apprehension that a threat, in- 
timated in the reign of George III., that, if made public, it 
woidd be seized by government, as the only party to which 
it could properly belong. 

It is to be hoped that the time in which such a threat 
could be executed has passed by, and that no danger need 
now be apprehended by the possessor for his open avowal 
of the facts of the case, such as they are. 

Indeed, it seems desirable that, if fair means could lead 
to such a result, the skull of one who filled so conspicuous 
a position amongst England*s most distinguished rulers, 
should become public property. 

Perhaps some one in possession of the arguments veri- 
fying the identity of the skull in question with that of 
Cromwell, would, by a recapitulation of them, favour some 
readers of the " N. & Q.,'* and, amongst others, J. P. 

In reply to this query, the following communications 
were produced : — 

J. P. will find valuable information on the subject of 
Cromwell^s skull in an article in the fifth volume of the 
Dublin Quarterly Jowmal of Medical Science (1848), en- 
titled— 

"Historical Notes concerning certain Illnesses, the Death, and 
Dis-interment of Oliver Cromwell, by W. White Cooper, F.R.C.S.*' , 

This article is very ably written, and throws m]ich light 
on a vexed question. Antiquabius. — (v. p. 304.) 

In answer to J. P., I beg to inform him that the skull of 
Cromwell is in the possession of W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., of 
Beckenham, Kent, at whose house a relation of mine saw 
it. I have no doubt that Mr. Wilkinson would feel plea- 



CROMWELL'S SKULL, 233 



sure in stating the arguments on which the genuineness of 
the interesting relic is based. L. W. — (v. p. 381.) 

The following notices are perhaps worth insertion in re- 
lation to this subject : 

•* The curions head of Cromwell, which Sir Joshua Reynolds has 
had the good fortune to procure, is to be shown to his majesty. How 
much would Charles the First have valued the man that would have 
brought him Cromwell's head ! " — A Newspaper Cutting, Sept. 1786. 

"The Real Embalmed Head of the Powerful and Renowned Usur- 
per, Oliver Cromwell, styled Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng- 
land, Scotland, and Ireland ; with the Original Dyes for the Medals 
struck in honour of his Victory at Dunbar, &c. &c., are now exhibit- 
ing at No. 5. in Mead Court, Old Bond Street (where the Rattle- 
snake was shown last year). A genuine Narrative relating to the 
Acquisition, Concealment, and Preservation of these Articles, to be 
had at the place of Exhibition." — Morning Chronuile, March 18th, 
1799. 

H, G. D.— (ix. p. 496.) 

The following addition to the notices respecting Crom- 
welFs skull is taken from an Additional MS, iii the British 
Museum, and is dated "April 21, 1813." It does not ap- 
pear thatr Sir Joshua Keynolds was so desirous of posseslsing 
this interesting relic as is stated in your correspondent's 
•* cutting." 

** The head of Oliver Cromwell (and it is believed the genuine one) 
has been brought forth in the city, and is exhibited as a favour to 
such carious persons as the proprietor chooses to oblige. An offer 
was made this morning to bring it to Soho Square to show it to Sir 
Joseph Banks, but he desired to be excused from seeing the remains 
of the old Yillanous Republican, the mention of whose very name 
makes his blood boil with indignation. The same offer was made to 
Sir Josej)h forty years ago, which he then also refused. The history 
of this head is a» follows: Cromwell was buried in Westminster 
Abbey, with all the state and solemn ceremony belonging to royalty ; 
at the Restoration, however, his body, and those of some of his asso- 
ciates, were dug up, suspended on Tyburn Gallows for a whole day, 
and then buried under them ; the head of the Arch Rebel, however, 
was reserved, and a spike having been driven through it, it was 
fixed at the top of Westminster Hall, where it remained till the 
great Tempest at the beginning of the 18th century, which blew it 



234 FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON. " 

down, and it disappeared, haying probably been picked up by some 
passenger. 

" The head in question has been the property of the family to 
which it belongs for many years back, and is considered by the pro- 
prietor as a relic of great value ; it has several times been transferred 
by legacy to different branches of the family, and has lately, it is 
said, he&a. inherited by a yoiing lady. 

** The proofs of its authenticity are as follows : it has evidently 
been embalmed, and it is not probable that any other head in this 
island has, after being embalmed, been spiked and stuck up as that 
of a traitor. The iron spike that passes through it is worn in the 
part above the crown of the head almost as thin as a bodkin, by 
having been subjected to the variations of the weather ; but the part 
within the skull, which is protected by its situation, is not much cor- 
roded; the wood work, part of which remains, is so much worm- 
eaten that it cannot be touched without crumbling ; the countenance 
has been compared by Mr. Flaxman, the statuary, with a plaster 
cast of 01iver*s face taken after his death, of which there are several 
in London, and he declares the features are perfectly similar. 

" Mark Koble (whose authority is very questionable) tells us that 
all the three heads (Cromwell's, Ireton's, and Bradshaw's) were fixed 
upon Westminster Hall ; and he adds, that Cromwell's and Brad- 
shaw's were still there in 1684, when Sir Thomas Armstrong's head 
was placed between them. 

** A ludicrous circumstance occurred not long ago at the British 
Museum : there is, it seems, in the Ashmole Museum, at Oxford, a 
skull said to be that of Oliver CromwelL A visitor at the British 
Museum, after having seen the curiosities that were there shown 
him, inquired of the assistant, * Pray, Sir, have you a skull of Oliver 
Cromwell in this house?' to which the assistant answered,'* No, Sir.* 
* Well, Sir,' said the stranger, * I wonder at that, as they have one at 
the Ashmole Museum at Oxford,* ** 

Z. z.— (xii. p. 75.) 



PREDICTIONS OP THE FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON, 

** It was a trim worke indeede, and a gay world no doubt for some 
idle cloister-man, mad merry friers, and lusty abbey-lubbers ; when 
themselves were well whittled, and their paunches pretily stuffed, to 
fall a prophesieing of the woefull dearths, famines, plagues, wars, &c. 
of the dangerous days imminent" — Harvey's Discoursive Probleme^ 
London, 1588. 

Among the ely hits at our nation, which abound in the 



FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON, 285 

lively pages of the Sieur d*ArgBntoii, is one to the effect 
that an Englishman always has an old prophecy in his pos*- 
session. The worthy Sieur is describing the meeting of 
Louis X. and our Henry II. near Ficquini, where the 
Chancellor of England commenced his harangue by al- 
luding to an ancient prophecy which predicted that the 
Plain of Ficquini should be the scene of a memorable and 
lasting peace between the two nations. "The Bishop,'' 
says Gommines, " commenga par une prophetic, dont,** adds 
he, en parenthese, " les Anglois ne sont jamais despour- 
veus." * Even at this early period we had thus acquired 
a reputation for prophecies ; and it must be confessed that 
our chronicles abound in passages which illustrate the jus- 
tice of the Sieur's sarcasm. From the days of York and 
Lancaster, when, according to Lord Northampton, " bookes 
of beasts and babyes were exceeding ryfe, and current in 
every quarter and corner of the realme,"t up to the time 
of Napoleon*B projected invasion, when the presses of the 
Seven Dials were unusually prolific in visions and pre- 
dictions, pandering to the popular fears of the country — 
our national character for vaticination has been amply sus- 
tained by a goodly array of prophets, real or pretended, 
whose lucubrations have not even yet entirely lost their 
influence upon the popular mind. To this day, the ravings 
of Nixon are " household words " in Cheshire ; and I am 
told that a bundle of " Dame Shipton*s Sayings ** still forms 
a very saleable addition to the pack of a Yorkshire pedlar, 
Kecent discoveries in biological science have given to the 
subject of popular prophecies a philosophical importance 
beyond the mere curiosity or strangeness of the details. 
Whether or not the human mind, under certfun conditions, 
becomes endowed with the prescient faculty, is a question 
I do not wish to discuss : I merely wish to direct attention 
to a neglected and not uninteresting chapter in the cu- 
riosities of literature. 

* Mhnoires, p. 155. : Paris, 1649. 

t Defensatire againat the Fnyion of supposed Frophecies, p. 116. 



236 FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON. 

In delving among what may be termed the popular re- 
ligious literature of the latter years of the Commonwealth, 
and early part of the reign of Charles, we become aware of 
the existence of a kind of nightmare which the public of that 
age were evidently labouring under — a strong and vivid 
impression that some terrible calamity was impending over 
the metropolis. Puritanic tolerance was sorely tried by the 
licence of the new Court ; and the pulpits were soon filled 
with enthusiasts of all sects, who railed in no measured 
terms against the monster city — the city Babylon — the 
bloody city ! as they loved to term her ; proclaiming, with 
all the fervour of fanaticism, that the measure of her ini- 
quities was wellnigh full, and the day of her extinction at 
hand. The press echoed the cry ; and for some years 
before and after the Restoration^ it teemed with " warn- 
ings '* and " visions," in which the approaching destruction 
is often plainly predicted. One of the earliest of these 
prefigurations occurs in that Leviathan of Sermons, God^s 
Plea for Nineveh^ or LondorCa Precedent for Mercy ^ by 
Thomas Reeve : London, 1657. Speaking of London, he 
says: 

" It was Troy-novant, it is Troy le grand, and it will be Troy 
Textinct"— p.217. 

And again : 

<* Methinks I see yoa bringing pick -axes to dig downe your owne 
walls, and kindling sparks that will set all in a flame from one end 
of the city to the other."— P. 214. 

And afterwards, in a strain of rough eloquence : 

" This goodly city of yours all in shreds, ye may seek for a thresh- 
old of yonr antient dwellings, for a pillar of your pleasant habita- 
tions, and not find them ; all your spacious mansions and sumptuous 
monuments are then gone . . . Wo unto us, our sins have pulled 
down our houses, shaken down our city ; we are the most harbour- 
lesse featlesse people in the world . . . Foxes have holes, and the 
fowls of the air nests, but we have neither; our sins have deprived 
us both of couch and covert. What inventions shall ye then be put 
to, to secure yourselves, when your sins shall have shut up all the 



FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON. 237 



conduits of the city, and suffer only the Liver conduit to run * ; 
when they allow you no showers of rain, but showers of blood ; when 
ye shall see no men of your incorporation, but the mangPd citizen ; 
nor hear no noise in your streets but the crys, the shrieks, the yells 
and pangs of gasping, dying men ; when, amongst the throngs of 
associates, not a man will own you or come near you," &c. — pp. 221. 
etteq. 

After alluding to the epidemics of former ages, he thus 
alludes to the coming plague : 

** It will chase men out of their houses, as if there was some fierce 
enemy pursuing them, and shut up shop doors, as if execution after 
judgment was served upon the merchants; there will then be no 
other music to be heard but doleful knells, nor no other wares to be 
born up and down but dead corpses ; it will change mansion-houses 
into pest-houses, and gather congregations rather into churchyards 
than churches . . . The markets will be so empty, that scarce ne- 
cessaries will be brought in, a new kind of brewers will set up, even 
apothecaries to prepare diet drinks." — p. 255. 

The early Quakers, like most other religious enthu* 
siasts, claimed the gift of prophecy : and we are indebted 
to members of the sect for many contributions to this 
branch of literature. Humphrey Smith was one of the 
most celebrated of the vaticinating Quakers. Little is 
known of his life and career. He appears to have joined 
the Quakers about 1654; and after enduring a long series 
of persecutions and imprisonments for the sake of his 
adopted creed, finally ended his days in Winchester gaol in 
1662. The following passage, from a Vision which he saw 
concerning London (London, 1660), is startling : 

** And as for the city, herself and her suburbs, and all that be- 
longed to her, a fire was kindled therein ; but she knew not how, 
even in all her goodly places, and the kindling of it was in the 
foundation of all her buildings, and there was none could quench it. 
. . . And the burning thereof was exceeding great, and it burned 



* " It was a great contributing to this misfortune that the Thames 
Water House was out of order, so that the conduits and pipes wera 
almost dry.*' — OhBtrwxtimis on the Burning of London: Lond. 1667, 
p. 84, 



238 FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON, 

inward in a hidden manner which cannot be described. ... All the 
toll buildings fell, and it consumed all the lofty things therein, and 
the fire searched out all the hidden places, and burned most in the 
secret places. And as I passed through her streets I beheld her state 
to be very miserable, and very few were those who were left in her, 
who were but here and there one: and they feared not the fire, 
neither did the burning hurt them, but they walked as dejected 
mournful people. . . . And the fire continued, for, though all the 
lofty part was brought down, yet there was much old stuffe, and 
parts of broken down desolate walls, which the fire continued bum« 
ing against. . . . And the vision thereof remained in me as a thing 
that was showed me of the Lord.** 

One of the most striking predictions occurs in Daniel 
Baker's Certaine Warning for a Naked Heart, Lond. 1659. 
After much invective against the evil ways of the metro- 
polis, he proceeds : 

** A 0re, a consuming fire, shall be kindled in the bowels of the 
earth, which will scorch with burning heat all hypocrites, unstable^ 
double-minded workers of iniquity. ... A great and large slaughter 
shall be throughout the land of darkness where the unrighteous de- 
crees and laws have been founded. Tea, a great effusion of blood, 
fire, and smoke shall encrease up in the dark habitations of cruelty ; 
howling and great wailing shall be on every hand in all her streets." 

Thomas EUwood disposes of the city m a very summary 
manner : 

** For this shall be judgment of Babylon (saith the Lord) ; in one 
day shall her plagues come upon her, tieath, and moitmingy and 
famine, and she shall be utterly burnt with fire ; for great is the Lord 
who judgeth her.*' — Alarm to the Priats, Lond. 1662. 

George Fox also claims to have had a distinct prevision 
of the fire. (See Journal, p. 386., ed. 1765.) He also re- 
lates the story of a Quaker who was moved to come out of 
Huntingdonshire a little before the fire, and to — 

** Scatter his money up and down the streets, turn his horse loose, 
untie the knees of his breeches, and let his stockings fall down, and 
to tell the people * so they should run up and down scattering their 
money and goods, half undressed, like mad people, as he was a sign 
to them,' which they did when the city was buniing.** 

Lilly's celebrated book of Hieroglyphichs, which jpiro- 



FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON. 239 

cured the author the dubious honour of an examination 
before the committee appointed to inquire into the origin 
of the fire, is well known. In one of the plates, a large 
city, understood to denote London, is enveloped in flames ; 
and another rude woodcut, containing a large amount of 
graves and corpses, was afterwards interpreted to bear 
reference to the Plague. Aubrey seems to be a little jea« 
Ions of the renown which Lilly acquired by these produc- 
tions ; for he asserts that — 

**Mr. Thomas Flatman (poet) did affirm that he had seen those 
Sierogfyphicha m an old parchment manuscript, writ in the time of 
the moi^s.''— Jtfxnr., p. 125., ed. 1721. 

liiTostradamus also, more than a century before, is said 
to have foretold the very year of the burning. Li the 
edition, or reputed edition, of 1^77, cent. ii. quatrain SI.| 
is the following : 

'^ Le sang du jusse h Londres fera fante 
Braslez par foudres de vingt trois les six 
La dame anticqne cherra de place haute 
De mesme secte plusieurs seront ocds." 

Those of your readers who incline to dubiety on this 
subject, I refer to the copy from whence it was taken, in 
the Museum Library, press-mark 718. a 14. If it is a 
forgery (and such I take it to be), it is decidedly the best 
I ever met with. 

I should be glad if any of your correspondents could tell 
me whether the quatrain above, or anything like it, occurs 
in any of the genuine early editions. Dugdale, by the way, 
evidently believed in its authenticity, and has inserted a 
version in his History of St, Pauts. 

Such a promising theme as the destruction of London 
was, of course, too good a thing to escape the chap-book 
makers. During the period of the Civil Wars, we find 
many allusions to it. In a little quarto brochure, published 
in 1648, entitled Twelve Strange Prophecies, the following 
18 placed in- the mouth of the much maligned and carica- 



240 FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON, 

tured Mrs. Ann Shipton. The characteristic termination 
I consider a fine stroke of the art vaticinatory. 

** A ship shall come sayling np the Thames till it come to London, 
and the master of the ship shall weep, and the mariners shall ask 
him whj he weepeth, and he shall say, * Ah, what a goodly city was 
this ! none in the world comparable to it ! and now there is scarce 
left any house Ihat can let ua have drinhe for our money* ** 

Vincent T. Stebnbebg. — (Vol. vii. pp. 79. 173.) 

The vaticinations of this great calamity, and its fore- 
runner the plague, collected by Mb. Stebnbebg, are in? 
teresting, but whether they were uttered before or after 
the vaticinated events, is now of little consequence. The 
question, however, is still open. Did the fire originate in 
accident or design ? Historians generally concur in attri- 
buting it to the former ; but the following seems to point 
to the latter : 

*^ At the Committee of Trade and Plantations, in the Ck)uncil 
Chamber at Whitehall, Thursday the 15th of Dec, 1681 : present, 
His Highness Prince Rupert, Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Craven, &c 

"The petition of Col* William Doughty, referred by an order of 
Council of the 18th of Nov. last, is read, wherein, &c 

"Col* Doughty does farther acquaint the Coiiiittee, that about 
two months before the fire of London, my L<* Taff 's brother, a Capu- 
chin, Col* Mort Obr^'an, and sev* others in France, did speak of a 
great disaster that should happen shortly after in England, and that 
soon after this discourse he saw at Paris this Capuchin, my L<* Taff ^s 
brother, in gentleman^s cloaths and equipage. And as for the par- 
ticular discourse, he refers himself to a letter written by him the 
said Col* Douglass (mc) at that time to Col. Nicholas Carew here in 
London. Col* Doughty does likewise make oath to the truth of 
what is above mentioned, according to the best of his remembrance ; 
w«*^ their Ldps agree to report unto his Maty in Council to-morrow 
in the afternoon, and Dr. (^nc) Nich" Carew is appointed to give his 
attendance at that time.'* 

Ebic— (x. p. 422.) 

Among the examples under this head which have appeared 

in the ^^'N. & Q.," I think the case has not been mentioned 
of the Dorsetshire fanatic, John White, of South Perrott, 
who travelled to London in Dec. 1646, with a view to 



FIRE AND PLAGUE OF LONDON. 24t 

destroy the effigy of the Earl of Essex, then lying in state 
in Westminster Abbey ; and having hidden himself in a pew 
till midnight, set to work with a hatchet. His prediction 
of the coming vengeance ^* for the sins and wickedness of 
London " was very explicit ; being revealed to him by an 
angel, who described th& plagues as *' so great that they 
should not be able to bury one another, or else he, the 
angel, would fire it as he did Sodom and Gomorrah/' 

J. W.— (vol. xi. p. 341.) 

Upon the fiy-leaves of a small anti-papal work in my 
possession, entitled The Anatomy of Popery (Lbndon, 1673), 
I find copies of certain letters in MS. which are curious 
enough to claim a place in '^^. & Q.*' I transcribe them 
literally : — 

** To M' Sam. Thorlton, a.ix 1666. 

« My friend, 
**Y' presence is now more nesesary at London y" whare y" are; 
y* y" may determen how to dispose of y estate in Southwarke : for 
it is determened by humen counsel!, if not frustrated by devine 
power that y« suburbes will shortley be <^estroyd« Y*" capacity is 
large enogh to understand (what) precedes as y genius shall in- 
struct you. 

« Cave. Cave. Fuge. Vale." 

The next is much defaced, rendering a perfect transcript 
impossible ; but as it contains some carious matter, I have 
waded through it, and present it in the clearest state : — 

** Yours of y« 6*^ curent came to me, and broug al y tydinges 
of y horning of London ; constantly exspected and discoursd of 
amongst y^ pa. To my knowledge for these 18 yeares leyt past aa 
to hapen this year, in w<>^ they doe alsoe promis to y°asels and others 
y« introduction of y" publick excercise of y^ Ca. Religion seated (?) 
in W*minster hall, and severall oth' places about y« city and els< 
whare in y* kdom. ....... 

(^FouT lines obscure.') 

continually reproeving their faint-heartednes will rend y™ w**> sorow 
and remors, and inBect torments vpon y™ equall to y» damned in 
hell, and will make y™ endever to find rest from this angush in y« 
constant profession of y' truthe w*"* they have so unhapyly betrayd. 
And in case of a relaps, they will be constrajnied to drag you to y« 



J42 JTERE CANNON USED AT CRECTf 



place of execution : or els to seke to rid y»M \fj a generall mamacre, 
it^ many good aoulea have so long disired. I hope S^ y^ will not 
be wanting in y* most eamst prayers to beg of God y« he wold be 
plesed to take— "— of thes misiirable wretches, and make the hearten 
of our G. to relent towards us, y* he wold convert those who in thaire 
harts ( ?) think they do him service by putlng us to deth. 

• I am, S*, yofs.** 

Then followeth, as a note, the cruel tortaring of a young 
female for religion's sake ; detailed with unpleasant distinct- 
ness, and wound up by a metrical warning worth preserva- 
tion: — 

" Down yv most y^ haritickee. 

For all y' hopes in 66. 

The hand ag»* y" is soe stody» 

For Babylon is fain alredy. 

The Divall a mercy is for those 

"Who holy mother church oppose. 

Let not y clargy y« betray, 

T' eyes are opn — see y way, 

Retom in time, if y« would save 

T» floules, y» lives, or ought y" have. 

And if y" live till 67, 

Confess y" have ftill warning given: 

Then see in time, or ay be blind. 

Short time will show w* is behind. 

« Dated y* ^^ in y yeare 1666, and y» first yeare of y« resto- 
ration of y* Court of Rome in Engld.** 

G* E. K.— (vol. xii, p. 102.) 

I 

WERE CAJmON USED AT ORBOT? 

On a recent visit to the site of the battle, I was informed 
by a lad (who was playing at the base of the windnkQI 
which was the station of King Edward) that balls had been 
found in the fields on which the battle was fbught. I had 
no opportunity of endeavouring to trace these relics, but 
it may be easily done ; and if the statement is connect, it 
will decide a question which is still involved in some degree 
of doubt. S. R. P.— (vol. X. p. 806.) 

This has been long a qiUBsHo vexata ; but notwithstanding^ 
the statement of S. R. P., whose informant was a lad, and 



WEBJE CANNON USED AT CRECT, 548 

such information therefore very problematical, I am inclined 
to the negative. For not only are our old Latin chro- 
niclers, but our English historians also, as Holinshed and 
Speed, wholly silent upon this subject. Even Froissart, 
a cotemporary and a Frenchman, makes no allusion to these 
terrible thunderbolts of war. Such a statement seems to 
rest on the one-sided authority of French writers — as 
Mezerai, Larrey, and others ; making it a sort of palliative 
of this extraordinary defeat of their countrymen. The 
foimer says that these hitherto unknown and formidable 
engines induced them to believe that they were combating 
with devils rather than men : — 

** Les nostres voyant oes instmmens inconnus tonner et vomir tout 
^Ufois des nu^ de flame et de famee, prireni F^Mmvante, et crureiit 
avoir plntost affiure k des demons qu^h des hommea.*' 

The latter :— 

** Oa dit que ce fat la premiere foie qa*on se servitde canon daos 
lee batailles, et qu'il y en avoit dnq pi^es dans Tarm^e Angloise, 
qui contribu^ent beaucoup k augmenter la terreur des Frangoia" &.C, 

C. H.— (vol. X. p. 412.) 

Villani, an Italian author who died in 1348, states that 
the English used cannon at Crecy. A passage in the 
Chronicles of St. Denis refers to the use of cannon at Crecy. 
Nor is Froissart silent on this subject, for in a manuscript 
of Froissart (" a cotemporary and a Frenchman"), preserved 
in the library of Amiens, it is distinctly stated that cannon 
were used by the English at Crecy. The passage I refer to 
is quoted by Napoleon (the present emperor) in his work 
on Artillery, and runs thus : — 

<* £t 11 Angles descliqu^rent aucun cannons quails avaient en la 
bataille pour esbahlr les Grenevois.'* 

which may be translated :— 

** And the English caused to fire suddenly certain guns which they 
bad in the battle, to astonish (or confound) the Genoese." 

R. A. — (vol. X. p. 534.) 



b2 



244 CAPTURE OF HENRY VL 



CAPTURE OP HENKY THE SIXTH. 

At Waddington in Mjtton stands a pile of building 
known as the " Old Hall," once antique, but now much in- 
deed despoiled of its beauty, where for some time the un- 
fortunate king, Henry the Sixth, was concealed after the 
fatal battle of Hexham, in Northumberland. Quietly 
seated one day at dinner, '' in company with Dr. Manning, 
Dean of Windsor, Dr. Bedle, and one EUarton," his enemies 
came upon him by surprise ; but he privately escaped by a 
back door, and fled to Bungerley stepping-stones (still 
partially visible in a wooden frame), where he was taken 
prisoner, *' his legs tied together under the horse's belly," 
and thus disgracefully conveyed to the Tower in London. 
He was betrayed by one of the Talbots of Bashall Hall. 
This ancient house or hall is still in existence, but now 
entirely converted into a building for farming purposes : 
*" Sic transit gloria mundi." Near the village of Wadding- 
ton there is still to be seen a meadow known by the name 
of " King Henry s Meadow." 

In Baker's Chronicle the capture of the king is described 
as having taken place "in Lincolnshire;^ but this is evi- 
dently incorrect; it is Waddington in Mytton, West 
Yorkshire. Clbeicus Cbavensis. — (vol. ii. p. 181.) 

This note led to the following : — 

The particulars of the king's capture are thus related in 
the chronicle called Warkworth's Chronicle^ which has been 
printed by the Camden Society : — 

" Also, the same yere, kynge Henry was takene bj-syde a bowse of 
religione [i. e. Whalley] in Lancashyre, by the mene of a blacke 
^onke of Abyngtone [Abingdon] in si wode called Cletherwode [the 
"wood of Clitheroe], besyde Bungerly hyppyngstones, by Thomas 
Talbott, Sonne and heyre to sere Edmunde Talbot of Basshalle, and 
Jhon Talbott, his cosyne, of Colebry [t. c. Salebury, in Blackburn], 
Vithe other moo; which discryvide [him] beynge at his dynere at 
Wadyngton halle : and [he was] carryed to London on horsebake, 
and his leges bownde to the styropes." 

I have substituted the word **discry vide" for " dissey vide," 



CAPTURE OF HENRY VL 245 

•-■ ■ -■ ■ !■ - . L B I ■ -. _|-ni -'- ' 

as it is printed in the Camden Society's book, where the 
editor, Mr. Halliwell, understood the passage as meaning 
that the king was deceived or betrayed. I take the meaning 
to be, that the black monk of Abingdon had descried, or 
discovered, the king as he was eating his dinner in Wad- 
dington Hall ; whereupon the Talbots, and some other par- 
ties in the neighbourhood, formed plans for his apprehension, 
and arrested him on the first convenient opportunity, as he 
was crossing the ford across the river Ribble formed by 
the hyppyngstones at Bungerley. Waddington belonged 
to Sir John Tempest, of Bracewell, who was the father-in- 
law of Thomas Talbot. Both Sir John Tempest and Sir 
James Harrington of Brierley, near Barnsley, were con- 
cerned in the king's capture, and each received one hundred 
marks' reward ; but the fact of Sir Thomas Talbot being 
the chief actor is shown by his having received the larger 
reward of 100/. Further particulars respecting these and 
other parties concerned will be found in the notes to Wark- 
worth's Chronicle, The chief residence of the unhappy 
monarch during his retreat was at Bolton Hall, where his 
boots, his gloves, and a spoon are still preserved, and are 
engraved in Whitaker's Craven. An interior view of the 
imcient hall at Bolton, which is still remaining, is engraved 
in the GendemarCs Magazine for May, 1841. Sir Ralph 
Pudsay of Bolton had married Margaret, daughter of Sir 
Thomas Tunstal, who attended the king as esquire of the 
body. John Gough Nichols. — (vol. ii. p. 228.) 

There was also a grant of lands made by King Edward 
IV. to Sir James Harrington, — 

** For his services in taking prisoner, and withholding as such in 
diligence and valour, his enemy Henry, lately called King Henry 
VI." 

This grant, which was confirmed in Parliament, embraced 
the castle, manor, and domain of Thurland ; a park, called 
Fayzet Whayte Park, with lands, &c. in six townships in 
the county of Lancaster ; lands at Burton in Lonsdale, co. 
York ; and Holme, in Kendal, co, Westmoreland, the for^ 

R 3 



246 ABDICATION OF JAMES IL 

felted lands of Sir Blchard Tunstell, and other " rebels.** 
80 considerable a recognition of the services of Sir James 
Harrington would seem to demand something more than 
the second-rate position given to them by your correspon- 
dent. The order to give Sir James Harrington possession 
of the lands under his grant will be found in Symer. The 
arrant itself is printed in the NvgiB Anttqute, by Henry Har- 
rington, 1775 (vol. iL p. 121.), and will, I believe, be found 
in Baines* Lancashire, Mr. Henry Harrington observes, 
-that the lands were afterwards lost to his family by the mis- 
fortune of Sir James and his brother being on the wrong 
side at Bosworth Field; after which they were both at- 
tainted for serving Richard HI. and Edward lY., ^*and 
commanding the party which seized Henry YI. and con- 
ducted him to the Tower.** 

H. K. S. C— (vol. ii. p. 316.) 



ABDICATION OF JAMES n* 

The following Note was drawn up by the late Sir Harris 
Nicolas, and printed in the Proceedings of the late Record 
Commissioners. Only fifty copies were printed for the use 
of the Commissioners, and a copy is rarely met with. Sir 
Harris Nicolas, as editor of the Proceedings of the Privy 
Council^ would doubtless, had that work been continued to 
1688, have used the MSS. if attainable. 

*< Notice of Manuscript in the posflession of the Bev. Sir Thomas 
Miller, Bart., containing the original Minutes of the Assembly of 
Peer and Privy Councillors that met at Guildhall, upon {he flight of 
James II. from London. 

** Extracts from Memorandum of a MS. in the possession of the Rev. 
Sir Thomas Miller, Bart., shown to Mr. Cooper, Secretary to the 
Record Commissioners, to Sir Harris Nicolas, and to Mr. Hardy, 
in 1833, at Sir Thomas Miller's lodgings in the Edgeware Road. 
** Immediately after the flight of James the Second from Londmi, 

on the 11th of December, 1688, a tumult arose among the citizens 

which created considerable alarm ; and with the view of preaervini; 

the peace, of imparting public confidence, and of providing for the 



ABDICATION OF JAMES 11. 247 

extraordinary state (tf affairs, all the Peers and Priyy Councillors 
then in the vicinity of the metropolis assembled at Guildhall. Of 
this important Assembly Bishop Bumet*s notice is very brief, and it 
would appear from his statement that it was celled by the Lord 
Mayor.* A more full account (^ the Convention is, however, given 
in the Memoir of James the Second published by Dr. Clarke : *• It 

* seems, upon the King*s withdrawing from London, the lords about 

* town met at Guildhall to consult what was fit to be done. They 

* looked upon the present state of affairs as an interregnum, that the 

* government was in a manner devolved upon them, and were in 
' great haste to make a present of it to the Prince of Orange.' Other 
aots of this Assembly are then mentioned $ and its proceedings are 
among the most interesting and important events in English history, 
not only from their forming a precedent in a conjuncture of affairs 
for which no express provision is to be found in the constitution, but 
firom the first regular o£fer of the throne to the Prince of Orange 
having emanated from this Convention^ No Record of its proceed- 
ings, has, it is presumed, been hitherto known to exist ; and the fact 
that so valuable a Document is extant, cannot be too generally 
stated, for it is obvious that it has high claims to the attention of 
historians. 

** Sir Thomas Miller possesses the original Minutes ef this As- 
sembly of the Peers in the handwriting kA a Mr. Glyn, who acted as 
fiecretary. His appointment to that situation is also preserved ; and, 
as it is signed by all the Lords who were present, it affords evidence 
of the names of the Peers who to(^ part in the business of the As* 
sembly, and contains a very interesting collection of autographs^ 

** The MS. itself is a snwll folio, but not above fifty pages are 
filled. It comprises the period between the 11th and the 28th De- 
cember, 1688, both days inclusive, and appears to be a perfect Record 
of every act of that memorable Assembly. The indorsement on the 
cover merits notice : it states with singular minuteness the precise 
hour of James's abdication, namely, at ons m iAs moming of the Uth 
of December, 1688." 



* Ailer mentioning the excesses committed by the mob, and the 
arrest of Judge Jefferies, Bishop Burnet says: — ** The Lord Mayor 
was so struck with the terror of this rude populace, and with the dis- 
grace of a man who had made all people tremble before him, that he 
fell into fits upon it, of which he died soon after. 

**To prevent the further growth of such disasters, he called a 
Meeting of the Privy Councillors and Peers, who met at Guildhall," 
&C. The pronoun hn must relate to the Lord Mayor, but the sen*^ 
tenoe is obscurely expressed, 

R 4 



248 REMARKS ON CROWNS. 

y ■ I ^^^M— — ^^^»^^— - ■ ■■■■IP ^»^^^l I II I 111 ■ I ■!■ I ^ ■■ II M M I — ^1 ■ ■ 

Sir Thomas Miller also possessed a manuscnpt containing^ 
an '* Account of the Earl of Rochester, Captain Kendall, 
and the Narrator's Journey to Salisbury with King James, 
Monday, Nov. 19. to Friday, Nov. 23. 1688, inclusive." 

In connection with this subject, it may be noticed that 
there is no entry of any payment in the Issue Books of the* 
clerks of the Pells between Tuesday, 11th December, and 
Monday, 24th December, 1688. J. E.-— (vol. i. p. 39.) 

RBMABKS ON CROWNS, AND MOBK PARTICULARLY ON 
THE ROYAL OR IMPERIAL CROWN OP GREAT BRITAIN. 

(From the Aatograph MS. of Stephen Martin Leake, Esq., Gabtbb.) 

As to crowns in general, the first kind of crowns worn by 
kings was the diadem, which was no other than a fillet of 
silk, linen, or the like. Pliny supposes it to be as ancient 
as Bacchus for a general ensign of kings. Nor appears it, 
says Selden, that any other kind of crown was used for a 
royal ensign, except only in some kingdoms of Asia. The 
Komans oonceived this kind of fillet to be the proper en- 
sign of a king, and therefore endured not 'the use of it 
whilst they hated the name of king. Hence it was that the 
emperors at first abstain from the diadem. Caligula first 
put it on, but durst not continue it, nor did any afterwards 
publicly affect it for 280 years. The first that wore it, and 
sometimes perhaps publicly, was Aurelian, but not con- 
stantly ; nor had the emperors yet any other ensign of dig- 
nity for their heads besides the laurel and the radiated 
crown, neither of which were proper to them as ensigns of 
the monarchy ; the first being only triumphal, as impera- 
tores or generals of the state, and the other a note of flattery, 
deifying them as gods. But soon after Aurelian, the dia- 
dem in Constantine the Great became a continual wearing, 
and was in common use. Constantine first used a diadem 
of pearls and rich stones, as appears upon his coins; after- 
wards the imperial diadem received additions of other parts 
that went from ear to ear over the crown of the head, and 
at length over a gold helm with a cap, which made it some^ 



nEMARKS ON CROWNS. 240 

Trhat like a close crown of later times. Constantine appears 
with the diadem and helm in this manner upon some of hia 
coins ; but the frequent joining of the helm and cap to the 
diadem, according to Selden, was not till about the time of 
the younger Theodosius ; the use of crowns thus deduced 
from Constantine the Great was an example which the rest 
of the kings of Europe followed. 

Geoffrey of Monmouth (lib. L) and Hector Boetius (lib- 
ii. & X.) tell us that Dunvallo Mulmutius, King of Britain, 
and the old kings of Scotland, even from Fergus I., used a 
gold crown ; but these testimonies, says Selden, are not 
clear enough in credit; and admit as a variety that of 
King Arthur's crown, which Leland says he saw in his seal 
{Assert Artk,, p. 12.). But it appears, by our old British, 
coins, that the diadem, or fillet of pearls, was worn by Cu- 
nobeline. King of Britain, who flourished under Augustus 
and Tiberius, brought up it is said in the court of Augustus, 
and died ▲. d. 22 ; so that the fillet was in use with us after 
the common fashion of other nations, and it appears to have 
been in use in the elder times of the. Saxon. Upon a coin 
of Adulph, King of the East Angles, who began his reign 
A.D.664, he appears with the plain fillet or diadem. Ofia, 
King of the Mercians, a. d. 763, has a fillet of pearls, some- 
times a double row, and sometimes single. Kenwolf, ▲. d. 794, 
has a double row. Cuthred, King of Kent, who died a. j>. 805, 
has the diadem with a double row of pearl; Bertulf and Bur- 
gred. Kings of Mercia, the first a single, the latter a double 
row of pearl; but King Egbert, who about a.d. 800 became 
the sole monarch of the Heptarchy, appears upon his coins with 
a radiated crown, the rays being much shorter than those of 
the Roman emperors ; and probably, as being sole monarch, 
he assumed this crown by way of eminence and distinction 
from the other kings of the Heptarchy in subjection to him ; 
but this sort of crown was peculiar to him. Athelwolf, his 
son, had the fillet or diadem with a double row of pearl, 
and a large jewel for an ornament in the front. Elfred*, or 

* The print of Alfred by Yertne, taken from an ancient pictore 
preserved in University College, Oxon, has his head crowned with 



S50 REMARKS OX CROWNS. 

Alfi^ the Great, has the plain fillet. £Uward the Elder 
appears upon his monej sometimes in a helmet with a plain 
fillet) which helmet on some coins appears like an arched 
crown. Athelstan seems to have the cap and helmet re- 
sembling an arched crown, and King £dmand, his brother, 
has the same. Edred, a.d. 946, has the fillet and cap, with 
three high rays and pearls on the points, somewhat like 
our earb* coronets ; his snccessors, Edgar the PeaceaUe, 
Edward the Martyr, and Ethelred, have plain diadems. 
Edmund Ironside has a crown with three rajs like Edred. 
Cnut appears upon his money either in a helmet, or with a 
plain fillet, sometimes with a single row of pearl. Harold 
has the same upon a helmet, with a jewel, or such like 
ornament, in the front of it ; but sometimes the plain dia- 
dem and cap arched with pearl, and also three rays with 
pearls on the points. Hardicanute has the diadem with 
one row of pearl. Edward the Confessor upon some coins 
has a coronet of open crown fieuri, with three fleurs-de-lis, 
one in the middle, and one, or rather, as they appear, half • 
flowers, at each end : on others he has a high pointed 
helmet, which sometimes appears like an arched crown ; 
but upon his great seal he has another kind of ornament 
upon his head, a cap and a crown on it, says Selden, in a 
strange form, unless perhaps the cutter of the stamp meant 
it for such a one as William the Conqueror's ; and indeed 
it bears so near a resemblance to it, that there is all the 
reason in the world to think so, and consequently that it is 
not a cap and a crown, but a helmet adorned with a fillet, 
and thereon three high raised points, that in the middle of 
the front, which is the highest, terminating in a cross, the 
other two at the sides being like rays inverted ; the points 
being downwards may probably be designed for nails, for 
such we see accompanying the cross upon the reverse of 
some coins of the Conqueror. But after the Confessor, 

an open crown composed of fleurs-de-lis, and lesser flowers between, 
which rather proves the picture modern than the crown ancient: 
the draught of an ancient stone bust Gi him in the same print seems 
to have only a cap or plain fillet, like his money. 



BEMAnKS ON CROWNS, 251 

»^— — ^— ^— -i^"" ■■ ^^^^^1 ■■ ^^^^^^^•m^^^^m^^^m^^^^^^ »■■■■■■ ■ ■ — ».»^i^ ■■■— ■■■■ 

Harold appears with the diadem of one row of pearls, and 
on some of bis money, says Selden, bears the diadem of 
pearls upon a helm ; and this ob a helm, says Selden,! 
conceive to be properly that which they called cynelulme^ 
as the diadem without the helm, that which was their cyne^ 
bcmd^ or royal fillet, for those two words with the Saxons 
denoted a royal ensign of the head ; and the royal helmet, 
I apprehend, is what we see upon the great seal of Edward 
the Confessor and the Conqueror. 

After the Norman Conquest the first William appears 
upon his great seal with a helmet and diadem composed of 
a circle and three rays raised very high, their points termi- 
nating in crosses, having a pearl or pellet at each point of 
the cross, and two fleurs-de-lis between the rays. Selden 
calls this likewise a cap with a crown ; but it is manifestly 
a helmet, and of the same form as that he wears upon the 
eounterseal. This seems to have been compounded of the 
royal helmet and crown fleuri of Edward the Confessor ; 
but on the coins attributed to this first William (supposing 
all those with the full face to be his)^ he appears in a cap, 
or the crown of the head appearing like one, having a 
pearled diadem with one row of pearls, and three larger 
pearls upon the upper part of the diadem, one at each end, 
and one in the middle, after the manner they are now 
placed upon our barons* coronets, having likewise labels of 
pearl, like earrings, hanging at each ear ; others have three 
rays with pearls on the points, and some seem to have 
flowers or leaves between. Some have thought what I call 
8 cap to be an arched crown, and Selden thought it to be 
an arch that went across the head, as is frequently seen in 
those of the Eastern emperors ; but we have no instance of 
arched crowns with us, upon the great seals or otherwise, 
till long afiterwards, nor has this the form of such an arch 
as he supposes. In some coins it makes a double arch by 
mnking in the middle, which shows it was intended to 
represent a cap which naturally falls into that shape ; some 
have likewise three rays with pearls at the points. William 
iRufus upon his great seal has a coronet with high rays and 



252 KEMARKS ON CROWNS. 

pearls upon tbe points, like those of Edred and Edmund 
Ironside, with this difference, that they had but three rays, 
and Rufus*s crown has five : the coins attributed to him 
having his head in profile have, some of them, the cap like an 
arched crown, the arch being composed of pearls, but with- 
out any ornament at the top, which all arched crowns are sup- 
posed to have, and therefore, as well as for the reasons before 
mentioned, I cannot admit it to be any other than a cap. 

Henry I., both upon his great seal and money, has the 
open crown fleuri with three fleurs-de-lis, one in the middle, 
and half flowers at each end ; the fillet is usually plain, but 
some of his coins show a single row of pearls, liJke Edward 
the Confessor, upon whose coins it first appeared. And of 
this crown with fleurs-de-lis it is remarkable, as Selden 
observes, that though the coins of the Saxon times show us 
no other than what we have mentioned : yet there are extant 
some volumes written under King Edgar, and by his com<« 
mand, touching the reformation of the monastic life in 
England, wherein he is pictured, and in a draught of his 
own time, with a crown fleuri, also rudely drawn. And 
whencesoever it proceeded, the crowns that are put on the 
heads of most ancient kings in pictures of the holy story of 
Genesis {MSS, in BihL Cottoniana)^ translated into Saxon in 
those times, and in such draughts as designed the holy story be- 
longingto the Psalms of near or about a thousand years since, 
are no otherwise than fleurs-de-lis. This ancient use and at- 
tribute of the crown fleuri with fleurs-de-lis to the sacred his- 
tory, and the fleur-de-lis being likewise an ancient emblem of 
the Trinity, was perhaps the reflson that King Edward as- 
sumed it, and that it was afterwards used, and is still continued, 
as an ornament in the crowns of almost all the Christian 
princes. 

The Empress Maud appears upon her great seal with a 
like crown fleuri, quite open (without either a cap or the 
crown of the head appearing through it), and a very small 
ray or low point between the fleurs-de-lis. 

King Stephen upon his great seal has a like crown with 
three fleurs-de-lis ; the draught in Speed shows the crown 
of the head through it, but Sandford's draught does not. 



REMARKS ON CROWNS, 263 

'~~ — ■■ ■ ■ — -■ —.. — — - ,■■■■■■■ I 11 ■ ■■ I - ■ . ■■ , y. 

The . crown is quite open as the coin in Speed has it, but 
upon some of his coins the fleurs-de-lis appear raised very 
high upon stems or stalks ; some have the diadem plain, 
others have a double row of pearls and a cap like an arched 
crown, the arch composed of pearls ; but by the height of the 
fleurs-de-lis of the diadem or coronet, which rise consider- 
ably above the arch, as well as for other reasons mentioned 
before, it cannot be considered as an arched crown ; besides 
that the arched crown is not of very ancient use but in the 
Empire, The French kings did not use it before Francis 
I. (though M. Le Blanc gives us some double ducats and 
testoons of Louis XII.), nor did it come into constant 
use with them before Henry II., and therefore these sup- 
posed arches of King Stephen's crown are owing to the 
fancy of the workman, or were designed to express the cap 
or covering of the head. 

The great seal of King Henry 11. has the open crown 
with three fleurs-de-lis, the diadem set with pearls ; but 
his son Henry, crowned king in his father's lifetime, appears 
upon his great seal with a crown having short rays between 
the fleurs-de-lis, like that of Maud the Empress, his 
mother : his money is supposed to have the same fashioned 
crown as Henry I.*s money, but his effigies upon his tomb 
«t Font Evrard*, in Normandy, according to the draught 
in Sandford, has a crown of leaves. This monument, says 
he, was erected a.d, 1638 by the lady abbess, when the 
effigy was removed from the place where it was first fixed ; 
but from the fashion of the crown I should rather think 
the effigies were no older than the monument, or at least 
not so old as the original monument. 

Kichard I. has the open crown with three fleurs-de-lis 
upon both his great seals, the diadem or fillet being plain 
in one, but in the others set with pearls.f 

* Vertue's draught of his monumental figure, taken from Mont- 
fan9on's Ai^q^ides^ has leaves with lesser leaves upon points 
between. 

t Vertue's draught of the effigies of Richard I., from his monument 
at Font Evrard, has the crown with three leaves and small points 



*54 REMARKS Oy CROWNS, 

King John* on his great seal has the crown with three 
•hort rays, the fiUet set with pearls, and a cap, or die crown 
of the head like a cap, appearing through it, which was not 
in any of the former. But upon his effigies on his tomh in 
the cathedral of Worcester, which Sandford thinks as old 
as Henry III., the coronet is composed of leaves close 
together, and all of an equal height : this is the more pro* 
bable, because King Henry IIL used a crown with leaves, 
and the monument of this king being erected in the reign, 
of King Henry III., bad the crowns made according to the 
fashion then used. Upon his coins King John has the 
crown fleuri. 

Henry ILL upon his first great seal has the open crown 
and plain diadem. Selden describes it as a crown ileuri 
pointed or rayed, and the points or rays are raised, but not 
high, between the flowers ; but it appears by liie draught 
to be composed of leaves exactly resembling the leaves 
upon our dukes* coronets, three in number, with very short 
rays or pmnts between : and his second great seal is like 
the first, only it wants the points or rays between tiie 
leaves. But the crown on the head of his effigies of copper 
gilt, on his tomb at Westminster, by Sandford*8 draught 
seems to be fleuri with fleurs-de-lis, and so it is by Vertue^s 
draught f; but, by hb print of this king from the same 

between; but, for the reasoni before mentioned under his father, the 
antiquity of the figure may be qnestionecL Hoveden and Diceto, 
who were both present at the coronation of King Richard L, tell na 
thatGeoffry de Lucy bore the royal cap in the procession, and William 
de Mandeville, Earl of Albemarle and Essex, bore a large crown of 
gold set with precious stones ; which cap was first put upon his head, 
and some time after the crown.-— i^tpin, 245. 

* Yertue admires the likeness of this king upon his statue and 
great seal, so conformable with each other. I as much admire that 
the crowns upon their heads are so very different. John was first 
crowned Duke of Normandy at Bouen, and Matt Paris says, with a 
golden circle or coronet adorned all round with golden rosea cu^ 
riously wrought 

f Vertue's draughts from his monumental statue or brass, erected 
at great cost and care to his memory (who built a great part of 



REMARKS ON CROWNS. 255 

3tatue, Matt. Paris says this king was the first crowned 
with a circulus aureus. His crown upon his money is only 
a plain circulus aureus, or fillet, with a pearl at each end and 
a fleur-de4is in the middle. 

Edward L has the open crown upon his great seal, 
having a plain fillet, and adorned with what I take to be 
leaves, like his predecessor : but in Speed's draught the 
fillet is set with pearl, and a cap on the head appears 
through it : his coins have the open crown with fleurs-de-lis ; 
some have rays between, and some pearls on the prants. 
The groat of this king has the crown with leaves five in 
number, viz. three entire leaves and two half leaves at each 
end. The seal of Queen Erleanora, his first wife, has three 
leaves or flow^s upon the plain fillet, and so has the 
crown upon her effigies on her tomb in Westminster 
Abbey.* 

Edward II.*8 great seal has the open crown with three 
leaves and plain fillet (Speed's adorned), and very small 
points just rising between the leaves, and the crown upon 
his head ^ on his monument at Gloucester, entire mid well 
preserved according to Yertue's draught, appears the same 
fashioned crown ; and his coins seem to have the crown 
with fleurs-de-lis and pearls upon points betweeouf 

Westminster Abb«y), has the open crown with five leaves and low 
rays between. 

* The draught of the remains of his statae over the gate of Caer- 
narvon Castle, as taken by Yertue, has the open crown with three 
leaves, low points, between the fillets, adorned with jewels. 

t At the coronation of King Edward II., Gaveston cariied the 
crown of St. Edward, with which the king was to be crowned, an 
honour that by ancient custom belonged to the princes of the blood. 
The king gave to Gaveston the crown jewels with the crown of his 
father, which he sent beyond sea for his own use. — Walter de 
ffemingfordf T^rrd, Walsingham. 

This is the first mention of King Edward's crown at the corona 
tion, and it does not appear that King John used it ; it is probable 
King Henry III. first used it, who named his son Edward ttfter Ed* 
ward I., in memory of him, and ever honoured him as his tutelar 
saint. 



256 HEM ARKS ON CROWNS, 

Edward III. upon his first great seal has the coronet and 
cap with the three leaves or flowers, and lesser fieurs-de-lis 
between, all somewhat raised upon points ; but his second 
great seal has the open crown with three fleurs-de-lis, and 
small points Just rising between the flowers, and his third 
great seal, which bears the title of France as well as England, 
has the open crown with five leaves or flowers raised upon 
points, whereas on the former crowns they lay almost close 
upon the fillet.* And the seal of Queen Fhilippa has very 
distinctly five ducal leaves, somewhat raised upon points 
like the king*s ; but her effigies upon her monument in 
Westminster Abbey have a crown of fleurs-de-lis and 
crosses, as seems by the draught in Sandford. Some have 
attributed the first use of the imperial or arched crown to 
King ]E^dward III., for no other reason, as I conceive, but 
because he was made Vicar-General of the Empire, by 
the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria ; but there is not the least 
proof of it. We have shown what crowns are upon his 
great seals; and upon his money he used a crown with 
three fleurs-de-lis, like his second great seal, with rays 
between, and sometimes pearls upon the points, f 

Richard II. upon his great seal has the open crown with 
three flowers or leaves, but most resembling the latter. 
Upon his money he appears with a crown like that of his 
grandfather King Edward III. upon his money. In that 
most ancient original picture of this king in the Jerusalem 



* Yertae!s draught from an ancient painting in Windsor Castle 
gives him a crown open with fleurs-de-lis and leaves alternately, and 
pearls upon small points between ; but this was probably the painter's 
own composition. 

<f It appears by several instruments in Rymer, that this king 
(Edward III.) frequently pawned his crown to raise money ; as in 
his ninth year, ** duas coronas aureas,'* which had been pawned for 
8000 marks ; and in his fourteenth year his crown, called ** Magna 
corona regis," to the Archbishop of Treves for 25,000 florins : and 
the crown of Philippa his queen, and a smaller crown pawned at 
Cologne ; and the same crown, called ** Magna Corona Angliaa," was 
pawned in his eighteenth year. 



HEMARKS ON CROWNS. 257 

Chamber, he has an open crown, with five high rays and small 
flowers upon the points, or rather leaves, the three nearest 
resembling ducal leaves, and the two others more like 
trefoils, which shows how little we can depend upon such 
draughts, or even statues, for the fashion of the crowns. 

Henry IV. has upon his great seal the open crown, with 
three leaves or flowers, as King Richard II. ; and his coins 
have the same crown as the money of the two pre- 
ceding kings. The crown upon his head on his tomb at 
Canterbury, is composed of leaves with very low points 
rising between. 

Henry V.* The great seal of King Henry V. has the 
crown with three leaves or flowers, more resembling fleur- 
de-lis than his father's, with smaller flowers or leaves 
between ; but that they were all intended for leaves, 
appears by the seal of Queen Catherine his wife, which has 
very distinctly five large leaves like ducal leaves, with 
lesser leaves between, and the fillet or circle adorned with 
jewels.f The crown of this king upon his money is as his 
father's upon his money ; his effigies upon his monument 
in Westminster Abbey is headless, for having been of sil- 
ver, it was stolen away the latter end of the reign of King 
Henry VIII. ; but if the draught in Sandford be right, it 
had an imperial or arched crown, with the orb and cross at 
the top, and composed of crosses pate and fleurs-de-lis, as 
used at this day ; and Sandford tells us this draught was 
supplied from an ancient picture of this king in the royal 
palace in Whitehall, which I apprehend was destroyed 
when that palace was burnt down. If that picture was 

• Henry V., in the third year of his reign, raised money upon his 
crown called " La Corown Henry ; " and the same year pledged, as a 
security for 1000 marks, ** Unum Magnum Circulum Aureum Gar- 
nizatum.** — Rymer, 

t Nevertheless an ancient picture upon board of this king, now in 
the palace of Kensington, of which Yertue has given us a draught, 
with his heads of the English kings, has the cap and coronet, with 
three fleurs-de-lis, and lesser flowers or leaves between, all round ft 
little above the circle. 

s 



258 REMARKS ON CROWNS, 

indeed an original, it confirms what Selden says he had 
read in a book of the institution of the Grarter under Henry 
VJLlI., that Henry Y. first made him an imperial crown. 
However that be, none but the old open crown appears 
either upon his great seal or his money. * 

Henry VI. The crown on his head, and likewise over 
two escocheons upon his great seal, are open crowns, with 
three fleurs-de-lis, and two short rays between, with pearls 
upon the points, and the same upon his money, for though 
some coins with the arched crown haye been attributed to 
this prince, it is certain by their weight they belong to 
Henry VH. 

Edward TV, His English money has the same old open 
crown as his predecessors*, but some of his Irish coins have 
on the reverse three crowns, composed of crosses and fleurs- 
de-lis ; which three crowns, Selden says, were for his three 
dominions of England, France, aild Ireland. His great 
seal has the crown with five leaves, and a treble arch sur- 
mounted by the orb and cross. The seal of Elizabeth 
Widvile, his queen, has a coronet composed of crosses pat6 
and fleurs-de-lis alternately, with lesser fleurs-de-lis be- 
tween, all somewhat raised upon points. This crown of 
King Edward IV. is the first instance of an arched crown 
upon the great seal.f 

Richard III. Upon his money he has the old open 
crown as his predecessor, and upon his great seal an arched 

* Upon the tomb of Margaret, Goontess of Richmond, mother to 
King Henry VII., who died 1 Henry VIII., the arms of Henry V. 
and Qaeen Catherine are placed on the soath side, ander a doable- 
arched crown, composed of crosses and fleurs-de-lis, which probably 
was taken firom that ancient picture, or that picture probably not 
older than the time of Henry VII. or Vlll. 

t Selden, mistaking the coins of Henry VH. for Heniy VT., attri- 
butes the first use of the arched crown to Henry VI. ; but I have seen, 
says he, several copies of the '* Ordo Coronationis" of the kings and 
queens of England, written much andenter than Henry VI., and in 
them the King sitting on his throne and crowned with the crown 
fleuri, not without an arch, having a globe or mound with the cros^ 
on the top of it, and the draughts seem as old as the copies. 



REMARKS ON CROWNS. 259 

crown composed of crosses and fleurs-de-lis, three crosses 
appearing, one in front, and one at each end, and two fleurs- 
de-lis between. The arch is treble, like Edward lY/s on his 
great seal, but something more modem in the fashion of 
the arch, which in this is broader, and not so acute at 
the top. This crown of Richard III. is the first upon the 
great seal composed of crosses and fleurs-de-lis.* 

Henry YII. The first money of this king has the old open 
crown, with fleurs-de-lis and pearls upon points between ; 
afterwards the crown appears to be composed of leaves and 
pearls upon points, sometimes with the single arch, adorned 
with little crosses placed saltire-ways, and the coronet com- 
posed of crosses patonee, a larger and a smaller alternately, for 
such upon a strict examination sometimes they will appear 
to be, though at first sight they have the resemblance of 
leaves, and sometimes they have the double arch. The 
crown upon his great seal has crosses pate and fleurs-de-lis, 
like that of King Richard III., but the arches more acute, 
like that of King Edward lY. A crown of this fashion, 
but without arches, is over the entrance of the screen or 
inclosure of his famous tombf in the chapel of his name at 
Westminster. The crown on the head of his effigies is 
double-arched, composed of crosses and fleurs-de-lis alter- 
nately, with lesser fleurs-de-lis between ; the same is at 
the foot of the tomb, both surmounted with the orb and 
cross. The crown at the head of his tomb, instead of lesser 
fleurs-de-lis, has lesser crosses between. As to the arches, 
Sandford*s draught of his great seal has one arch ; Speed*s 
draught has two, and the fiame difierence appears upon his 
money. The like is to be observed in the crowns of his 
predecessors, by which it appears no certain form was con- 
stantly observed, but from this time the arched crown with 

* At the coronation he offered or laid down King Edward's crown 
at St Edward's Shrine, and put on another. — Buck's Life of Richard 
III. 

t The crown over his arms upon the tomb of his mother the 
Countess of Richmond at Westminster, has the double arch ^^rith 
crosses and fleurs-de-lis. 

82 



260 REMARKS ON CROWNS. 

crosses pat^ and fleurs-de-lis bas been used witb very 
little variation, either upon seals or coins, except upon the 
first money of King Henry VIII. Tbe crowns upon the 
effigies of tbe kings on the walls of Henry YII.'s chapel at 
Westminster, were, as Selden thinks, all alike, and only 
fleuri with crosses, and the arched crown then in use 
omitted as too troublesome, the cutter choosing to make 
them handsome and alike, than such as were proper for 
every king. Indeed, very little regard is to be had to such 
representation unless corroborated by other proofs. 

Henry YIII. upon his great seal has the arched crown 
with crosses and fleurs-de-lis as his father, and the same 
over two escocheons, viz. the cross in front, two others at 
each end, and fleurs-de-lis between. Upon his money the 
crown appears in difierent forms, his first money with the 
half face has usually the arched crown with leaves, and low 
points with pearls ; a crown of the double rose has leaves 
and fleurs-de-lis, and on the reverse of the same coin leaves 
only, but most commonly the crown upon his money is 
composed of crosses and fleurs-de-lis, and generally with 
one arch * ; the same difference appears upon his medals. 
A medallion in Evelyn, No. 2., has an open crown with 
leaves, or ducal coronet, in the space behind his head ; fi^r 
upon his head he has a cap, and upon the reverse is a 
coronet, with leaves and pearls upon points between. 
Another famous medallion, No. 4., struck upon his taking 
the title of Supreme Head of the Church, has his head 
with a cap encompassed with a circle or diadem radiated 
with small rays. 

Edward VI. has the same double-arched crown upon his 
great seal as his father King Henry VIII., and upon his 
money he has usually the same fashioned crown with the 
single arch ; but there is a sovereign of his sixth year 

• The crown over his arms upon tbe tomb of his grandmother, 
the Countess of Richmond, erected by this prince, is double-arched, 
with crosses and fleurs-de-lis, and lesser flowers between ; his father's 
upon the same tomb having only crosses with fleurs-de-lis. 



REMARKS ON CROWNS, 261 

where on the treble arch appears, and another whereon the 
crown seems to be composed of leaves and crosses. 

Queen Mary has the same double-arched crown upon 
her great seal as her brother King Edward VI., and her 
father and grandfather, Kings Henry VII. and VIII. ; and 
the same upon her money, except her sovereign in Evelyn, 
No. 7., which he calls a ryal, which has leaves only ; and 
her coins have usually the crown with the single arch. 

Queen Elizabeth*s great seal has the same crown as her 
sister, brother, and father, with the triple arch ; the same 
upon her monument at Westminster, and upon her money. 
A sixpence,- 1573, has fluers-de-lis and crosses with the 
double arch, and the ryal, or noble, has the old open crown 
with three leaves. A medal in Evelyn, No. 9., has the 
crown with leaves only and the double arch ; another, No. 
14., has crosses and fleurs-de-lis ; No. 16. has leaves and 
pearls upon points with the treble arch, and No. 17. the 
same with a single arch. 

King James I. has the same sort of treble-arched crown 
upon his great seal as Queen Elizabeth, ' composed of 
crosses and fleurs-de-lis, and the same upon his English 
money ; but upon his money coined in Scotland the crown 
is composed of fleurs-de-lis and crosses : there is a unite 
with a crown of leaves only. The medal of Queen Anne 
(Evelyn, No. 23.) has a coronet or open crown, with 
three leaves and two C*s indorsed and interlinked, saltire- 
wise. 

King Charles I. used the same fashioned crown as his 
father upon his great seal, with this diflerence only, that 
his first great seal shows the triple arch ; but his second 
great seal, having the date 1640, has the double arch as it 
has been represented ever since. His money has the same 
diflerence in the crown as his father*s, namely, those of 
Scotland having fleurs-de-lis and crosses instead of crosses 
and fleurs-de-lis. The same diflerence is observable upon 
his Scotch coronation medal ; two of the medals (Evelyn, 
Nos. 25. and 27.) have the crown with crosses, fleurs-de-lis, 
and pearls upon points between them. 

8 3 



262 REMARKS ON CROWNS. 

The usurper, Oliver Cromwell, likewise assumed the 
double-arehed crown, with crosses, fleurs-de-lis, and small 
rays between, with pearls on the points. 

King Charles II.'s coronation medal has the triple-arched 
crown, with crosses, fleurs-de-lis, and small pearls upon 
low points between, but upon others only crosses and 
fleurs-de-lis, and the same upon his money ; the like double- 
arched crown, with crosses and fleurs-de-lis, appear upon 
both his great seals, as the same has been since continued 
without any variation. 

Besides the royal or imperial crown, there was an an- 
cient crown called St. Edward*s crown, that is, the crown, 
of King Edward the Confessor, with which our kings were 
crowned ; but whether it was really the Confessor's crown, 
and constantly used from that time at their coronations, 
has been questioned. 

The coronation of King Richard I. is related by Hoveden 
and Diceto, and mention made of the royal cap, the gold 
spurs, the royal sceptre, the golden rod with a dove at the 
top, and the crown, which it is said was taken from beside 
the altar, but not called St. Edward's or King Edward's 
crown ; though, the regalia being the same as was afterwards 
called St. Edward's and attended with the same ceremonies, 
and in the custody of the church of Westminster, they 
were probably the same. 

King Henry III. was crowned at Gloucester by reason 
of the war then subsisting with the barons, and his father 
King John's crown having been lost in crossing the Well 
stream from Lynn into Lincolnshire, they were forced to 
use a plain circle or chaplet of gold, because they had 
neither the time nor means to make a better ; the reason 
therefore why he was not crowned with King Edward's crown 
is obvious, because he was not crowned at Westminster, 
where the royal regalia was deposited.* 

The first mention of St. Edward's crown is at the coro- 
nation of King Edward IL : that Gaveston carrying the 

* Matt. Paris, T. Wikes, Bapin. 



REMARKS ON CROWNS. 263 



crown of St. Edward with which the king was to be 
crowned, an honour that bj ancient custom belonged to 
the princes of the blood (Walsingham in Rymer^ vol. iii. p. 
63.) ; which implies it was esteemed an ancient crown at 
that time. 

In the ceremonial of the coronation of King Richard II. 
(Cerem. No. 1. in Off. Arm.), there is no mention of St. 
Edward's crown ; but in that of King Henry YI. it is said 
(W. Y. in Off. Arm.), they set on his head St* Edward's 
crown, and after that another which King Richard had 
made for himself; which shows it was usual to crown our 
kings with two crowns, — St. Edward's, and the royal or 
imperial crown. 

King Richard III. and King Henry YHX are mentioned 
to have been crowned with St. Edward's crown* (Cerem. 
No. I.); Queen Anne BuUen was crowned with St. 
Edward's crown (W. Y. fo. 72.) ; King Edward VI. was 
crowned with three crowns, viz. King Edward's crown, 
the imperial crown of the realm of England, and the third 
very rich, which was purposely made for him. St. Edward's 
staff is likewise mentioned. Queen Mary had likewise three 
crowns, St. Edward's, the imperial, and a third made for her- 
self. She had likewise St. Edward's staff, and the paten of 
St. Edward's chalice, which is likewise mentioned under 
Henrys VL and VIIL, and Edward VI., and was a holy 
relic of great antiquity (probably as old as the Confessor) 
and of great value, for in the account of the coronation of 
Queen Elinor, wife of King Henry III., a.d. 1236 (W. Y.), 
it is called a jewel of the king's treasury of great antiquity ; 
and in that of King Henry YI., where it is called St. 
Edward's chalice, is added, which chalice by St. Edward's 
days was prized at thirty thousand marks, a prodigious sum 
in those days.f 



* King Henry IV. was crowned with King Edward's crown, a.d. 
1899. — Segar's Honor, lib. iii. cap. 45. 

t We have no account of the coronation of Queen Elizabeth, but 
on her proceeding to Parliament in the twenty-seventh year of her 

8 4 



i 



f 



1 



264 REMARKS ON CROWNS, 

Bradshaw, Windsor Herald, in his account of the coro- 
nation of King Charles I., amongst the ancient ornaments 
and ensigns of honour, mentions the robes and the sceptre of 
St. Edward, but nothing of the crown ; but Kennet says he 
had the crown of King Edward the Confessor put on his 
head at his coronation. 

The Church of Westminster had the custody of the 
royal regalia for the coronation of our kings by divers 
charters (from the Confessor) according to the Liber 
Kegalis, whereby it was granted to be " Locus institutionis 
et Coronationis Regise et repositorium Regalium insignium 
in perpetuum,** at which time it is supposed he gave to that 
church the regalia which was afterwards used at the corona- 
tion of our kings ; and certain it is that, from the time of the 
Confessor, all our kings have been crowned at the Abbey of 
Westminster, except King Henry HI., who in the Barons* 
Wars was crowned at Gloucester, and King Edward V., who 
was never crowned. The place where the regalia was kept (at 
least for a considerable time back) was in the arched room 
in the cloisters in an iron chest, where they were secured 
till the Grand Rebellion, when, a.d. 1642, Harry Martyn, 
by order of the then Parliament, broke open the chest and 
took out the crown called St. Edward^s crown, and sold it, 
together with St. Edward's sceptre. Wherefore, after the 
Restoration, another crown and sceptre was made for the 
same purpose, and called St. Edward's, in commemoration 
of those which had been taken away. We may reasonably 
suppose this new crown was made after the fashion of the 
old one ; and the fashion of it must have been well known 
to many persons of the Restoration, especially to Sir Edward 



reign, she performed her devotions at Westminster Abbey, and re- 
ceived the golden sceptre of St. Edward, or, as expressed in another 
place, dedicated to St. Edward with great solemnity, and returned 
it again to the dean at the church door going out. (Milles' Cctt. 
HonouTj pp. 66, 67.) King James I. was invested with the robes, 
and crowned with the crown of King Edward the Confessor put on 
his head at his coronation. 



REMARKS ON CROWNS. 265 

Walker, Garter ; and the fashion of the present crown of 
St. Edward differs not in the form from the imperial crown 
of state ; and this being the case, that ancient crown before 
the Rebellion could not by the fashion of it be older than 
Edward IV. 

As to the crown of St. Edward, with which Edward II. 
was crowned, it was probably as ancient as the Confessor, 
if not his ; for he was so greatly esteemed for his sanctity 
before he was made a saint, that William the Conqueror 
adorned his sepulchre with a shrine. About a hundred 
years after this, a.i). 1163, he was canonised by Pope 
Alexander III., when Henry II. erected another more 
sumptuous shrine : afterwards King Henry III., having 
pulled down the old church and rebuilt it, erected a third 
shrine for him, and ever honoured him as his tutelar saint ; 
and the chapel of this saint was made the burial-place of our 
kings till King Henry YII. erected the chapel that bears his 
name for that purpose. A superstitious regard seems all 
along to have been paid to this regalia, as the relics of the 
saint, and being in the. custody of the church, could not be 
violated without double sacrilege. And not only the 
regalia, but the ceremonial of the coronation of our kings 
seems to be derived from this holy king, for before his 
time there does not seem to have been any determinate 
form. Of the fashion of this ancient crown we have no 
memorial, unless we may suppose it like that upon his great 
seal. What became of this old crown does not appear, but it 
must have disappeared long before the the time of Edward 
lY., because the crown made to supply the place of it 
about that time bore no resemblance to the ancient one, 
which it certainly would have done had the particular form 
been remembered. I can account for the loss of the crown 
no otherwise than as our kings frequently pawned their 
crowns, by that means it might be lost or destroyed. King 
Edward III. pawned his crown called Magna Corona 
Kegis, and at another time Magna Corona Anglie, and per- 
haps one of these was the same called at coronations St. 
Edward's crown. We find it afterwards replaced by a 



266 PRINCE CHARLES' ATTENDANTS IN SPAIN. 

modem crown, without any account what became of the 
old one. So that the honour and virtue derived from the 
antiquity and identity of St. Edward's crown was lost, and 
it became merely nominal, in the same manner as the robes 
are still called St. Edward's, though perhaps none of our 
kings wore his individual robe. — (Vol. xi. pp. 357, 379, 
399, 422.) 

PRINCE CHARLES* ATTENDANTS IN SPAIN. 

In a small 4to. MS. in my possession, entitled ^' A Narra- 
tive of Count Gondomar's Proceedings in England," is the 
following list of '^ The Prince's Servants" who accompanied 
him in his journey into Spain : 

** Matter of the fforUf Lord Andover. 

MoBter of the Ward, Lord Compton. 

Ouxmberlain, Lord Carey. 

ComptroUeTf Lord Yanghan. 

Secretary^ Sir Francis Cottington. 

Gentleman of the BedchambeTf Sir Robert Carr. 

Sir WiUiam Howard, 
Sir Edmund Vemey, 
Sir WilUam Crofts, 
Sir Richard Wynne, 
Mr. Ralph Clare, 
Mr. John Sandilans, 
Mr. Charles Glemham, 
.Mr. Francis Carew. 

Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber ^ Sir John N<Mrth. 

^Mr. Newton, 

Gentlemen Uahere of the Presence \ Mr. Young, 

(Mr. T)rrwbitt 

Grooms of the Bedchamber, five. 

Pages, three. 

Chaplains, two." 

Edwabd F. Bimbault. — (Vol. ix. p. 334.) 



BIRTHPLACE OF EDWARD V. 

<* 1471. In this year, the third day of Novemher, Queen Elizabeth, 
being, as before is said, in Westminster Sanctuary, was lighted of a 



Gentlemen of the Prwy Chamber 



LETTERS OF CHARLES L 267 

fair prince. And within the said place the said child, without pomp* 
was after christened, whose godfathers were the abbat and prior of 
the said place, and the Lady Scrope godmother." — Fabian's ChronicUf 
p. 659, Lond. 1811. 

Mackenzie WAiiCoxx, M.A. — (Vol. viii. p. 601.) 



LETTERS OF CHABLES L 

I have recently acquired a MS. quarto volume, consisting 
of copies of letters from King Charles I. to his Queen in 
the year 1646. They are sixty-four in number, and form 
a regidar series from January 4 to December 26. They 
are written in a neat close hand (I believe) of the seven- 
teenth century. I send you an exact transcript of the first 
letter. Twenty-four of them are dated at Oxford, and 
forty at New Castle. 

J. C. WiTTON.— (Vol xii. p. 219.) 

<" Oxford, Jan. 4th, 1646-6. 
** Dear Heart, 
** I desired thee to take notice that with the year I begin 
to new number my letters, hoping to begin a year's course 
of good luck. I have heard of, but seen no letters from 
thee since Christmas day : the reason is evident, for our in- 
telligence with the Portugal's agent is obstructed, so that I 
am not so confident as I was that any of my letters will 
come safe to thee. But methinks, if Card. Mazarin were but 
half so kind to us as he professes to be, it would be no great 
difficulty for him to secure our weekly intelligence. And 
in earnest I desire thee to put him to it ; .for, besides that 
if the effects of it succeed it will be of great consequence 
to me, I shall very much judge of the reality of his inten- 
tions according to his answer in this. If Ashbumham 
complain to thee of my wilfulness, I am sure it is that way, 
which at least thou wilt excuse, if not justify me in ; but 
if thou hadst seen a former paper (to which being but 
accessary, I must not blame his judgment) thou wouldest 
haTC commended my cholerick rejection of it, the aversion 
to which it is possible (though I will not confess it until 



I 



268 EDWARD THE CONFESSORS RING. 

thou sayest so) might have made me too nice in this, of 
which I will saj no more, but consider well that which I 
sent in the place of it, and then judge. 

'^ My great affairs are so much in expectation, that for 
the present I can give thee but little account of them, 
albeit yet in conjecture (as I believe) that the rebels will 
not admit of my personal treaty at London ; and I hope well 
of having 2000 foot an4 horse out of my smaller garrisons. 
As for the Scots, we yet hear no news of them, neither con- 
cerning this treaty, nor of that which I have begun with 
David Lesley. And lastly, that the Duke of York's 
journey is absolutely broken both in respect of the loss of 
Hereford, as that the relief of Chester is yet but very 
doubtful. But upon this design, having commanded Sir 
George Batcliff to widt upon him, I desire thy approbation 
that he may be sworn Gentleman of his Bedchamber ; for 
which, though he be very fit, and I assure thee that he is 
far from being a Puritan, and that it will be much for my 
8on*s good to have him settled about him, yet I would not 
have him sworn without thy consent. So God bless thee, 
sweet heart, " Chasles H. 

"Even now, Montrevil is come hither concerning the 
treaty ; the Queen cannot have a particular account of it 
till my next." 

Note. — ^This valuable collection of Letters was subse- 
quently published by the Camden Society, under the title 
of " Lettes-s of King Charles the First to Queen Henrietta 
Maria," edited by John Bruce, Esq., F.S-A. 

EDWABD THE CONFESSOR's BING. 

The following is extracted from Taylor's Ohry ofJRegaUty^ 
pp. 74. et seq, 

" The ring with which our kings are invested, called by 
some writers * the wedding ring of England,' is illustrated, 
like the Ampulla, by a miraculous history, of which the 
following are the leading particulars, from the * Golden 



QUEEN ELIZABETH. 269 



Legende' (Julyan Notary, 1503), p. 187. : — 'Edward the 
Confessor being one day askt for alms by a certain fayre 
olde man,* the king found nothing to give him except his 
ring, with which the poor man thankfully departed. Some 
time after, two English pilgrims in the Holy Land having 
lost their road, as they travelled at the close of the day, 
' there came to them a fayre auncyent man wy th whyte 
heer for age. Then the olde man axed them what they 
were and of what regyon. And they answerde that they 
were Pylgryms of Englond, and hadde lost their felyshyp 
and way also. Then this olde man comforted theym goodly, 
and brought theym into a fayre cytee ; and whan they had 
well refresshyd them, and rested theym alle nyght ; on the 
morne, this fayre olde man wente with theym and brought 
thejrm in the ryght waye agayne. And he was gladde to 
hear theym talke of the welfare and holynesse of theyr 
Kynge Saynt Edward. And whan he shold departe fro 
theym, thenne he told theym what he was, and sayd, I am 
Johan Theuangelyst, and saye ye unto Edward your king, 
that I grete hym well by the token that he gaaf to me thys 
rynge with his one hondes, whych rynge ye shalle delyuer to 
hym agayne : and whan he had delyuerde to theym the 
ringe, he departed from theym spdenly.' 

" This coomiand, as may be supposed, was punctually 
obeyed by the messengers, who were fiirnisht with ample 
powers for authenticating their mission. The ring was re- 
ceived by the Royal Confessor, and in after times was pre- 
served with due care at his shrine in the Abbey of West- 
minster." — (Vol. vii. p. 15.) 

QUEEN ELIZABETH. 

The following description of Queen Elizabeth is from 
" Annals of the First Four Years of the Reign of Queen 
Elizabeth," by Sir John Hayward, Knight, D.C.L., p. 449. 

^*' Shee was a lady upon whom nature had bestowed, and 
well placed, many of her fayrest favors ; of stature meane, 
slender, streight, and amiably composed ; of such state in her 



270 CHARLES IL IN WALES, 

carriage, as every motion of her seemed to beare majesty ; 
her haire was inclined to pale yellow, her foreheade large 
and faire, and seemeing seat for princely grace ; her eyes 
lively and sweete, but short-sighted ; her nose somewhat 
rising in the middest. The whole compasse of her counte- 
nance somewhat long, but yet of admirable beauty ; not so 
much in that which is termed the flower of youth, as in a 
most delightfull compositione of majesty and modesty in 
equall mixture .... Her vertues were such as might 
Buflice to make an iBthiopian beautifull ; which, the more 
man knows and understands, the more he shall love and ad- 
mire. In life, shee was most innocent ; in desires, moderate ; 
in purpose, just ; of spirit, above credit and almost capacity 
of her sexe : of divine witt, as well for depth of judgment, as 
for quick eonceite and speedy expeditione ; of eloquence, 
as sweet in the utterance, see ready and easy to come to 
the utterance ; of wonderful knowledge, both in learning 
and affayres ; skilfull not only in Latine and Greeke, but 
alsoe in divers foraigne languages. None knew better the 
hardest art of all others, that of commanding men ; nor 
could more use themselves to those cares, without which 
the royall dignity could not be supported. Shee was 
relligeous, magnanimous, mercifull and just.'* 

Hayward wrote the commencement of a Life of Henry 
JF., dedicated to the Earl of Essex ; a seditious pamphlet, 
" as it was termed,** says Lord Bacon, for which he was 
committed to prison, the queen being anxious to subject 
him to very severe treatment. 

R. J. Shaw. — (Vol. x. p. 52.) 

CHARLES n. IN WALES. ' 

There is a tradition amongst the inhabitants of Glamor- 
ganshire, that, after his defeat at the battle of Worcester, 
Charles came to Wales and staid a night at a place called 
Llancaiach Yawr, in the parish of Gelligaer. The place 
then belonged a Colonel Fritchard, an officer in the Farlia- 



CHARLES IL IN WALES. 271 

mentarj army ; and the story relates that he made himself 
known to his host, and threw himself upon his generosity 
for safety. The colonel assented to his staying for one 
night only, but went away himself, afraid, as the story goes, 
that the Parliament should come to know he had succoured 
Charles. I know that Llancaiach was a place of considerable 
note long after that, and that an old farmer used to say 
he had heard the story from his father. The historians, I 
belieye, are all silent as to his having fled to Wales between 
the time of his defeat at Worcester and the'time he lefl the 
country. Davtdd Gam. — (Vol. iii. p. 263.) 

In reply to this note, J. M. T., vol. iii. p. 379, writer as 
follows : — 

I have never heard of the tradition in question, nor have 
I met with any evidence to show that Charles II. was in 
any part of Wales at this period. In " The true Narrative 
and Kelation of his most sacred Majesty's Escape from 
Worcester,'* Selection from the Harleian Miscellany y 4to., p. 
380., it is stated that the king meditated the scheme of 
crossing into Wales from White Ladies, the house of the 
Penderells, but that '^ the design was crossed.'* One of the 
"Boscobel Tracts,'* at p. 137., treating of the same period, 
and compiled by the king himself in 1680, mentions his in- 
tention of making his escape another way, which was to 
get over the Severn into Wales, and so get either to Swan- 
sea, or some other of the sea towns he knew that had com- 
merce with France ; besides that he '' remembered several 
honest gentlemen " that were of his acquaintance. However, 
the scheme was abandoned, and the king fled to the south- 
ward by Madeley, Boscobel, &c., to Cirencester, Bristol, and 
into Dorsetshire and thence to Brighton, where he em- 
barked for France on the 15th Oct., 1651. 

Llancaiach is still in possession of the Prichard family, 
descendants of Col. Prichard. 

There is a tradition that Charles I. slept there on his way 
from Cardiff Castle to Brecon, in 1645, and the tester of the 
bed in which his Majesty slept is stated to have been in the 



272 BATTLE OF VILLER8 EN COUCHE. 

possession of a Cardiff antiquary now deceased. The facts 
of the case appear in the Iter Carolinum, printed by Peck 
(Desiderata Curiosa). The king stayed at Cardiff fi-om the 
29th July to the 5th August, 1645, on which day he dined 
at LLincaiach, and supped at Brecon. 

BATTLE OF VTLLERS EN COUCHlfi. 

The Rey. W. Sparrow Simpson writes as follows : — 
We have, as an heir-loom in our family, a medal worn 
by an officer on the occasion of the battle of Yillers en 
Couche : it is suspended from a red and white ribbon, and 
is inscribed thus ; 



u 



FORTrrUDINE 



YILLERS EN COUCHB. 

24th APRU^ 

1794." 

I do not remember to have read any account of the 
battle ; but as I have heard from the lips of one who 
gained his information from the officer before alluded to, 
the particulars were these : — General Mansell, with a force 
consisting of two squadrons of the 15th Hussars, and one 
squadron of the German Legion, two hundred and seventy^ 
two in all, charged a body of the French army, ten thouscmd 
strong. The French were formed in a hollow square : five 
times did our gallant troops charge into and out of the 
square, till the French, struck with a sudden panic, re- 
treated with a loss of twelve hundred men. — (Vol. viii. 
p. 8.) 

This communication led to the following. 

I possess a singular work, consisting of a series of Poetical 
Sketches of the campaigns of 1793 and 1794, written, as the 
title-page asserts, by an "officer of the Guards;*' who 
appears to have been, from what he subsequently states, on 
the personal staff of His Royal Highness the late Duke of 
York. This work, I have been given to understand, was 
suppressed shortly after its publication ; the ludicrous 



BATTLE OF VILLERS EN COUCH&, 273 



light thrown by its pages on the conduct of many of the 
<jhief parties engaged in the transactions it records, beintr 
no doubt unpalatable to those high in authority. From 
the notes, which are valuable as appearing to emanate from 
an eye-witness, and sometimes an actor in the scenes he 
describes, I send the following extracts; premising that 
the letter to which they are appended is dated from the 
" Camp at Inchin, April 26, 1794 : "-- 

** Aa the enemy were known to have assembled in great force at 
the Camp de C^sar, near Cambray, Prince Cobourg requested the 
Poke of York would make a reconnoUaance in that direction : accord- 
ingly, on the evening of the 23rd, Major-General MansePs brigade 
of heavy cavalry was ordered about a league in front of their camp, 
where they lay that night at a farm-house, forming part of a de- 
tachment under General Otto. Early the next rooming an attack 
was made on the French drawn up in front of the village of Villers 
en Couch^ (between Le Cateau and Bouchain) by the 15th regi- 
ment of Light Dragoons, and two squadrons of Austrian Hussars : 
they charged the enemy with such velocity and force, that, darting 
through their cavalry, they dispersed a line of infantry formed in 
their rear, forcing them also to retreat precipitately and in great 
4K>nfusion, onder cover of the ramparts of Cambray ; with a loss of 
1200 men, and three pieces of cannon. The only British officer 
wounded was Captain Aylett; sixty privates fell, and about twenty 
.were wounded, 

"Though the heavy brigade was formed at a distance under a 
brisk cannonade, while the light dragoons had so glorious an oppor- 
tunity of distinguishing themselves, there are none who can attach 
with propriety any blame on account of their unfortunate delay ; for 
which General Otto was surely, as having the command, alone ac * 
countable, and' not General Mansel, who acted at all times, there is 
no doubt, according to the best of his judgment for the good of the 
service. 

" The Duke of York had, on the morning of the 26th, observed the 
left flank of the enemy to be unprotected; and, by ordering the 
cavalry to wheel round and attack on that side, afforded them an 
opportunity of gaining the highest credit by defeating the French 
army, so much superior to them in point of numbers. 

** General Mansel rushing into the thickest of the enemy devoted 
himself to death ; and animated by his example, that very brigade 
performed such prodigies of valour, as must have convinced the 
W9rld that Britons, once informed how to act, justify the highest 



274 BATTLE OF VILLERS EN COUCHE, 

opinion that can possibly be entertained of their native courage. 
Could such men have ever been willingly backward f Certainly not 
*'Greneral Mansel's son, a captain in the drd Dragoon Guards, 
anxious to save his father's life, had darted forwards, and was taken 
prisoner, and carried into Cambray. Since his exchange, he has 
declared that there was not, on the 26th, a single French soldier left 
in the town, as Chapuy had drawn ont the whole garrison to aug- 
ment the army destined to attack the camp of Inchin. Had that di^ 
cumstance been fortunately known at the time, a detachment of the 
British army might easily have marched along the Chauss^ and 
taken possession of the place ere the Republicans could possibly have 
returned, as they had in their retreat described a circuitous detour 
of some miles." 

Mr. Simpson will perceive, from tlie above extracts, that 
the brilliant skirmish of Villers en Couche took place on 
April 24th ; whereas the defeat of the French army under 
Chapuy did not occur until two days later. A large 
quantity of ammunition and thirty-five pieces of cannon 
were then captured ; and although the writer does not 
mention the number who were killed on the part of the 
enemy, yet, as he states that Chapuy and near 400 of his 
men were made prisoners, their loss by death was no doubt 
proportionately large. 

The 15tli Hussars have long borne on their colours the 
memorable words "Villers en Couche" to commemorate 
the daring valour they displayed on that occasion. 

T. C. Smith. — (Vol. viii. p. 127.) 

In Cruttwell's Universal Gazetteer (1808) this village, 
which is five miles north-east of Cambray, is described as 
being " remarkable for an action between the French and 
the Allies on the 24th of April, 1794.'* The following 
officers of the 15 th regiment of light dragoons are there 
named as having afterwards received crosses of the Order 
of Maria Theresa for their gallant behaviour, from the 
Emperor of Germany, viz. : — 

** Major W. Aylett, Capt Robert Pocklingpton, Capt Edw. Michael 
Ryan, Lieut. Thos. Granby Calcraft, Lieat. Wm. Keir, Lieat. Chas. 
Burrel Blount, Comet £dward Gerald Butler, and Cornet Bobeit 
Thofl. Wilson.'' 

D. S.— (Vol. viii. p. 128.) 



BATTLE OF VILLERS EN COUCHE, 

An authoritative record of this action may be found in-^ 

** An Historical Journal of the British Campaign on the Continent, 
in the year 1794; with the Retreat through Holland, in the year 
1795. By Captain L. T. Jones, of the 14th regiment. Dedicated, 
by permission, to his Royal Highness Field Marshal the Duke of 
York. Printed for the Author. Birmingham, 1797." 

The list of subscribers contains about a hundred names. 
There is a copy of it in the British Museum. The one now 
before me is rendered more valuable by copious marginal 
notes, evidently written by the author, which furnish the 
following extraordinary instance of personal bravery : — 

'* The same officer of this corps (8rd dragoon guards), who bore off 
the corpse of General Mansel, relates some particulars in the action 
of the 24th, under General Otto : — that a man of the name of Barnes, 
who had been unfortunately redueed from a sergeant to the ranks, 
had bravely advanced, doing execution on the enemy, till his re- 
treat was foreclosed, and he was seen engaged with five French dra- 
goons at once ; all of these he fairly cut down, when nine more came 
upon him, whom he faced and fairly kept at bay, till one of them got 
behind him, and shot the brave fellow in the head." 

In reference to the action of the 26th, Captain Jones 
observes : — 

** It is not possible to describe the bravery of the army on that 
day : nearly the whole of the British cavalry were engaged, and 
gained immortal honour." 

The Duke of York's address to the army, published on 
the 28th of April, thus concludes : — 

** His Royal Highness has, at all times, had the highest confidence 
in the courage of the British troops in general, and he trusts that the 
cavalry will now be convinced that whenever they attack with the 
firmness, velocity, and order which they showed on this occasion, 
no number of the enemy (we have to deal with) can resist them." 
BiBUOTHECAJt. Chbtham. — (Vol. vUi. p. 205.) 

I am in a position to furnish a more complete account of 
this skirmish, and of the action of April 26, in which my 
grandfather, General Mansel, fell, from a copy of the 
JSvening Mail of May 14th, 17,94, now in the possession of 
J. C. Mansel, Esq., of Cosgrove Hall, Northamptonshire. 

T 2 



276 BATTLE OF VILLERS EN COUCUk. 



Your correspondent Mr. T. C. Smith appears to have been 
misinformed as to the immediate suppression of the Poetical 
Sketches by an officer of the Guards, as I have seen the 
third edition of that work, printed in 1796. 

** Particulars of Hie Glorious Victory obtained by the English Cavalry 
over the French under the Command of General Chapuis, at Troi- 
soUle, on the 26tA of April, 1794. 

** On the 25th, according to orders received from the Committee of 
Public Safety, and subsequently from General Pichegnx, General 
Chapuis, who commanded the Camp of Csesar, marched from thence 
with his whole force, consisting of 25,000 infantry, 3000 cavalry, and 
seventy-five pieces of cannon. At Cambray he divided them into 
three columns ; the one marched by Ligny, and attacked the re- 
doubt at Troisoille, which was most gallantly defended by Col. Con- 
greve against this column of 10,000 men. The second column was 
then united, consisting of 12,000 men, which marched on the high 
road as far as Beausois, snd from that village turned off to join the 
first column ; and the attack recommenced against Col. Congreve's 
redoubt, who kept the whole at bay. The enemy's flank was sup- 
ported by the village of Caudry, to defend which they had six pieces 
of cannon, 2000 infantry, and 500 cavalry. During this period Gen. 
Otto conceived it practicable to fall on their flank with the cavalry; 
in consequence of which. General Mansel, with about 1450 men — 
consisting of the Blues, lat and 3rd Dragoon Guards, 5th Dragoon 
Guards, and Ist Dragoons, 15th and 16th Dragoons, with Gen. Dun- 
das, and a division of Austrian cuirassiers, and another of Archduke 
Ferdinand's hussars under Prince Swartzenburg— after several ma- 
noeuvres, came up with the enemy in the village of Caudry, through 
which they charged, putting the cavalry to flight, and putting a 
number of infantry to the sword, and taking the cannon. Gen. 
Chapuis, perceiving the attack on the village of Caudry, sent down 
the regiment of carabineers to support those troops*; but the succour 
came too late, and this regiment was charged by the English light 
dragoons and the hussars, and immediately gave way with some 
little loss. The charge was then continued against a battery of 
eight pieces of cannon behind a small ravine, which was soon carried ; 
and, with, equal rapidity, the heavy cavalry rushed on to attack a 
hattery of fourteen pieces of cannon, placed on an eminence behind a 
very steep ravine, into which many of the front ranks fell ; and the 
cannon, being loaded with grape, did some execution : however, a con- 
siderable body, with General Mansel at their head, passed the ravine, 
and charged the cannon with inconceivable intrepidity,, and their 
efforts were cyowned'with the utmost success. This event d9cide4 



BATTLE OF VILLKR8 EN COUCHE. 277 

—^- -^— ^ —MB ^ H.M -^ ■ ^m - - - -- - ll« IIIIIB ■ |_ _M- 

the day, and the remaining time was passed in cutting down bat- 
talions, till erery man and horse was obliged to give up the pursuit 
from fatigue. It was at the mouth of this battery that the brave 
and worthy Gren. Mansel was shot : one grape-shot entering his chin, 
fracturing the spine, and coming out between the shoulders, and 
the other breaking his arm to splinters ; his horse was also killed 
under him, his Brigade Major Payne's horse shot, and his son and 
aide-de-camp, Capt. Mansel, wounded and taken prisoner ; and it is 
since known that he was taken into Arras. The French lost between 
14,000 and 15,000 men killed ; we took 680 prisoners. The loss in 
tumbrils and ammunition was immense, and in all fifty pieces of 
cannon, of which thirty-five fell to the English ; twenty-seven to 
the heavy, and eight to the light cavalry. Thus ended a day which 
will redound with immortal honour to the bravery, of the British 
cavalry, who, assisted by a small body of Austrians, the whole not 
amounting to 1500, gained so complete a victory over 22,000 men in 
sight of their corps de reserve, consisting of 6000 men and twenty 
pieces of caiAion. Had the cavalry been more numerous, or the in- 
fantry able to come up, it is probable few of the French would have 
escaped. History does not furnish such an example of courage. 

**^ The whole army lamented the loss of the brave General, who 
thus gloriously terminated a long military career, during which he 
had been ever honoured, esteemed, and respected by all who knew 
him. It should be some consolation to those he has left behind him, 
that his reputation was as unsullied as his soul was honest ; and 
that he died as he lived, an example of true courage, honour, and 
humility. On the 24th General Mansel narrowly escaped being sur- 
rounded at Yillers en Couch^ by the enemy, owing to a mistake of 
General Otto's aide-de-camp, who was sent to bring up the heavy 
cavalry : in doing which he mistook the way, and led them to the 
front of the enemy's cannon, by which the 3rd Dragoon Guards suf- 
fered considerably." — Extract from the Evening Mail, May 14, 1794. 

From the above extract, compared with the communica- 
tion of Ms. Smith, it appears that the 15 th Light Dragoons 
were engaged in both actions, that of Villers en Couche on 
April 24, and that of Troisoille (or Cateau) on the 26 th. 

H. L. Mansbi^ B.D.— (Vol. viii. p. 370.) 

In the Journals and Correspondence of Sir Harry Calvert^ 
edited by Sir Harry Verney, under the date of the 25th of 
April, 1794, Sir Harry Calvert thus describes the action at 

Villers en Couch^ : 

T 8 



278 BATTLE OF TILLERS EN COUCHE, 

** Since Tuesday, as I foresaw was likely, we have been a good 
deal on the qui vive. On Wednesday morning we had information 
that the enemy had moved in considerable force from the Camp de 
C^r, and early in the afternoon we learned that they had crossed 
the Selle at Saultzoir, and pushed patrols towards Quesnoy and Ya^ 
lenciennes. The Duke [of York] sent orders to General Otto, who 
had gone out to Cambray on a reconnoitring party with light dra> 
goons and hussars, to get into the rear of the enemy, find out their 
strength, and endeavour to cut them off. The enemy retired to 
Villers en Oouche that night, but occupied Saultzoir and Haussy. 
Otto, finding their strength greater than he expected, abont 14,000, 
early in the evening sent in for a brigade of heavy cavalry for his 
support, which marched first to Fontaine Antarque, and afterwards 
to St. Hilaire ;^nd in the night he sent for a farther support of four 
battalions and some artillery. Unfortunately he confided this im- 
portant mission to a hussar, who never delivered it, probably having 
lost his way, so that, in the morning, the general found himself under 
the necessity of attacking with very inferior numbers. However, by 
repeated charges of his light cavalry» he drove the enemy back into 
their camp, and took three pieces of cannon. He had, at one time, 
taken eight ; but the enemy, bringing up repeated reinforcements of 
fresh troops, retook five. 

" Our loss I cannot yet ascertain, but I fear the 15th Light Dra- 
goons have suffered considerably. Two battalions of the enemy are 
entirely destroyed." 

The especial bravery of the troops engaged on the 26th 
prompted the following entry in his journal by Sir Harry 
Calvert :— 

** April 26. — The enemy made a general attack on the camp of 
the allies. On their approaching the right of the camp, the Duke of 
York directed a column of heavy cavalry, consisting of the regiment 
of Zedwitsch Cuirassiers, the Blues, Eoyals, 1st, 3rd, and 5th Dra- 
goon Guards, to turn the enemy, or endeavour to take them in flank, 
which service they performed in a style beyond all praise, chargini; 
repeatedly through the enemy's column, and taking twenty-six 
pieces of cannon. The light dragoons and hussars took nine pieces 
on the left of the Duke's camp." 

Sir Harry Yemey has printed in an Appendix his father^s 
well-considered plans for the defence of the country against 
the invasion anticipated in 1796. 

J.B.— (Vol. viii. p. 37.) 



LETTER FROM SIR BEVIL GRENVILE, 279 



ORIGINAL LETTER FROM SIR BEVIL GRENVILE. 

The following is a copy of an original Letter from Sir 
Bevil Grenvile to his wife, giving an account of the 
Battle of Bradock Down near Liskeard, in which the Par- 
liamentary Forces under Kuthen were defeated, 19th of 
January, 1642. See Clarendon^ Book YI. 

T. E. D.— (Vol. X. p. 417.) 
My deare Love, 

It has pleased God to give us a happie victory this pre- 
sent Thursday being y" 19*** of Jany., for which pray join 
w'** me in giving God thanks. We advanced yesterday 
from Bodmin to find y® enemy w*^** we heard was abroad, 
or if we miss'd him in the field we were resolved to un-. 
house them in Liskeard or leave our boddies in the high- 
way. We were not above 3 miles from Bodmin, when we 
had view of two troops of their horse to whom we sent 
some of ours w°^ chased them out of the field while our 
foot march'd after our horse ; but night coming on we 
could march no farther then Boconnocke Parke, where 
(upon my co. Mohum*s kind motion) we quartered all our 
army by good fires under the hedge. The next morn- 
ing (being this day) we marched forth, and aV noonc 
came in full view of the enemies whole army upon a fair 
heath between Boconnocke and Braddock Church. They 
were in horse much stronger than we, but in foot we were 
superior, as I thinke. They were possest of a pretty 
rising gi'ound which was in the way towards Liskeard, and 
we planted ourselves upon such another against them w*^in 
muskett shot, and we saluted each other with bulletts about 
two hours or more, each side being willing to keep their 
ground and to have the other to come over to his pre- 
judice ; but after so long delay, they standing still firm, 
and being obstinate to hould their advantage. Sir Ra' 
Hopton resolved to march over to them, and to leave all to 
the mercy of God and valour of our side. I had the van ; so 
after solemne prayers in the head of every division, I led 

T 4 



280 LETTER OF LORD NELSON, 

my part away, w)io followed me w^^ so good courage both 
down one hiU and up the other, as it strooke a terror in them, 
while the seconds came up gallantly after me, and the wings 
of horse charged on both sides, but their courage so fail*d 
them as they stood not our first charge of the foot, but fled 
in great disorder, and we chast them diverse miles ; many 
were not slain because of their quick disordering, but we 
have taken above 600 prisoners, amongst which S*^ Shilston 
Calmady is one, and more are still brought in by the 
soldiers ; much armes they have lost, and colours we have 
won, and 4 pieces of ordnance from them, and without 
rest we marched to Liskeard^ and tooke it w^out delay, all 
their men flying f "* it before we came, and so I hope we 
are now again in y** way to settle the country in peace. All 
our Cornish Grandies were present at the battell w^*^ the 
Scotch Generall Ruthen, the Somersett CoUonels, and the 
horse Captains Pim and Tomson, and but for their horses* 
speed had been all in our hands ; let my Sister and my 
Cossens of Clovelly, w*** y® other friends, understand of God's 
mercy to us, and we lost not a man. So I rest 

Y" ever, 
Liskeard, Jan. 19. 1642. Bevil Gbsntils. 

Por the Lady Grace Grenvile, 
at Stow, d. d. 

The messenger is paide, yet give him a shilling more. 

LETTER OF LORD NELSON. 

I have in my possession a long letter written by Lord 
Nelson, sixteen days before the battle of Trafalgar, to the 
Kight Hon. Lord Barham, who was at that time First Lord 
of the Admiralty. It has not yet, as far as I am aw^e, 
been published. 

Eustace W. Jacob. — (Vol. ix. p. 241.) 

Victory, Oct 6th, 1805. 
My dear Lord, 

On Monday the French and ^Spanish ships took their 



LETTER OF LORD NELSON. 281 

troops on board which had been landed on their arrival, 
and it is said that they mean to sail the first fresh Levant 
wind. And as the Garthagena ships are readj^ and^ when 
seen a few days ago, had their topsail yards hoisted up, 
this looks like a junction. The position I have taken for this 
month, is from sixteen to eighteen leagues west of Cadiz ; 
for, although it is most desirable that the fleet should be 
well up in the easterly winds, yet I must guard against 
being caught with a westerly wind near Cadiz : for a fleet 
of ships,, with so many three-deckers, would inevitably be 
forced into the Straits, and then Cadiz would be perfectly 
free for them to come out with a westerly wind — as they 
served Lord Keith in the late war. I am most anxious for 
the arrival of frigates : less than eight, with the brigs, &c., 
as we settled, I find are absolutely inadequate for this ser- 
vice and to be with the flpet ; and Spartel, Cape Cantin, or 
Blanco, and the Salvages, must be watched by fast-sailing 
vessels, in case any squadron should escape. 

I have been obliged to send six sail of the line to water 
and get stores, &c. at Tetuan and Gibraltar ; for if I did 
not begin, I should very soon be ''obliged to take the whole 
fleet into the Straits* I have twenty-three sail with me, 
and should they come out, I shall immediately bring them 
to battle ; but although I should not doubt of spoiling any 
voyage they may attempt, yet I hope for the arrival of the 
ships from England, that, as an enemy^s fleet, they may be 
annihilated. Your Lordship may rely upon every exertion 
from 

Your very faithful and obedient servant, 

Nelson and Bbonte. 

I find the Guerrier is reduced to the command of a 
Lieutenant ; I hope your Lordship will allow me to seek 
Sir William Bolton, and to place him in the first vacant 
frigate ; he will be acting in a ship when the Captains go 
home with Sir Robert Calder. This will much oblige me. 



282 SCOTCH PRISONERS AT WORCESTER. 



SCOTCH PRISONERS AT WORCESTER. 

In Mr. Walcott's History of St. Margarefs Churchy 
Westminster^ I find the following extract from the church- 
wardens* accounts : — 

** 1662. P* to Thos. Wright for 67 loads of soyle laid on the 
graves in Tothill Fields, wherein 1200 Scotch prisoners, taken at the 
fight at Worcester, were bnried ; and for other pains taken with his 
teeme of horses, about mending the Sanctuary Highway, when Gren. 
Ireton was buried ------ xxx«." 

I have taken the pains to verify this extract, and find 
the figures quite correctly given. Is this abominable 
massacre in cold blood mentioned by any of our historians ? 
But for such unexceptionable evidence, it would appear 
incredible. C. F. S. — (Vol. ii. p. 297.) 

This Note elicited the following conmiunications on the 
same subject : — 

I cannot think that the extract from the accounts of the 
churchwardens of St. Margaret*s Westminster, at all justi- 
fies C. F. S. in supposing that the Scotch prisoners were 
massacred in cold blood. The total number of these pri- 
soners was 10,000. Of the 1200 who were buried, the 
greater part most probably died of their wounds ; and 
though this number is large, yet we must bear in mind 
that in those days the sick and wounded were not tended 
with the care and attention which are now displayed in 
such cases. We learn from the Parliamentary History 
(xx. 58.), that on the 17th Sept. 1651, ^' the Scots prisoners 
were brought to London, and marched through the city 
into Tothill-fields." The same work (xx. 72.) st-ates that 
'* Most of the common soldiers were sent to the English 
Plantations ; and 1500 of them were granted to the Guinev 
merchants and sent to work in the Grold mines there." 
Large numbers were also employed in draining the great 
level of the Fens (Wells, History of the Bedford Level, i. 
228 — 244.). Lord Clarendon (book xiii.) says, " Many 
perished for want of food, and, being enclosed in little 



scores PRISONERS AT WORCESTER. 288 

room tin thej were sold to the plantations for slaves, they 
died of all diseases.** 

C. H. CJooPBB. — (Vol. ii. p. 380.) 

The following is Rapines account of the disposition of 
these prisoners, and even this statement he seems to doubt. 
(Vol. ii. p. 585.) 

** It is pretended, of the Scots were slain [at Worcester] about 
2000, aud seven or eight thousand taken prisoners, who, being sent 
to London, were sold for slaves to the plantations of the American 
isles." — Authorities referred to: Phillips, p. 608., Clarendon, iii. p. 
320., Burnet's Mem, p. 432. 

J. C. B.— (Vol. ii. p. 350.) 

Heath*s Chronicle (p. 301. edit. 1676) briefly notices 
these unhappy men, *' driven like a herd of swine, through 
Westminster to Tuthill Fields, and there sold to several 
merchants, and sent in to the Barbadoes.** 

The most graphic account, however, is given in Another 
Victory in Lancashire^ &c., 4to. 1651, from which the parts 
possessing local interest were extracted by me in the Civil 
War Tracts of Lancashire, printed by the Chetham Society, 
with references to the other matters noticed, namely, Crom- 
well's entry into London, and the arrival of the four thousand 
" Scots, Highlands, or Redshanks^ 

These lay on Hampstead Heath, and were thence guarded 
through Highgate, and behind Islington to Kingsland and 
Mile End Green, receiving charity as they went, and hav- 
ing ** a cart load or two of biskett behind them.** Thence 
they proceeded by Aldgate, through Gheapside, Fleet-street, 
and the Strand, and on through Westminster. 

** Many of them brought their wires and bems in with them, yet 
were many of our scotified citizens so pitifuU unto them, that as they 
passed through the city, they made them, though prisoners at mercy, 
masters of more money and good white bread than some of them 
ever see in their lives. They marched this night [Saturday, Sept. 
13.] intoTnttle Fields. Some Irishmen are among them, but most 
•f them are habited after that fashion." 

The contemporary journals in the British Museum would 



284 SCOTCH PRISONERS AT WORCESTER. 

9 

probably state some epidemic which may have caused the 
mortality that followed. Geo. Oemebod,— (Vol. ii. p. 379.) 

** The judgements of heaven were never so visible upon any people 
as those which have £dlen apon the Scots since [the sale of Charles 
J.] ; for, besides the sweeping furious plague that reigned in Edin- 
burgh, and the incredible number of witches which have increased, 
and have been executed there since ; besides the sundry shameful 
defeats they have received by the English, who carried away more 
of them prisoners than they were themselves in number ; besides that 
many of them died of mere hunger; besides that they were sold away 
slaves, at half a crown a dozen, far foreign plantations among savages } 
I say besides all this chain of judgements, with diverse others, they 
have quite lost their reputation among all mankind ; some jeer them, 
some hate them, and none pity them." — Howell's German Diet, p. 
65, 1653. 

Echard, in Hist, JSng,, vol. ii. p. 727., speaking of the 
prisoners taken at Worcester, says that Cromwell 

** marched up triumphantly to London, driving four or five thousand 
prisoners like sheep before him ; making presents of them, as occa- 
sion offered, as of so many slaves, and selling the rest for that pur- 
pose into the English plantations abroad.** 

W. Dn.— (Vol. ii. p. 445.) 

The battle of Worcester was fought Sept. 3, 1651. On 
the same day, in the preceding year, the battle of Dunbar 
was fought, in which Cromwell slew 3,000 and took prisoners 
9,000 Scots. The disposal of a part of the latter (and firom 
which we may infer the kind of slavery to which the Wor- 
cester prisoners were afterwards subjected) is thus described 
in a " letter from Mr. John Cotton to Lord General Crom- 
well," dated "Boston, in N. E., 28 of 5th, 1651 :"— 

" The Scots, whom God delivered into your hands at Dunbarre, 
and wherieof sundry were sent hither, we have been desirous (aa we 
could) to make their yoke easy. Such as were sick of the scurvy or 
other diseases have not wanted physick and chyrurgery. They 
have not been sold for slaves to perpetuall servitude, but for six^ or 
seven, or eight years, as we do our owne ; and he that bought the 
most of them (I heare) buildeth houses for them, for every four a 
house, layeth some acres of ground thereto, which he giveth them as 
their owne, requiring three days in the weeke to worke for him (by 
turns), and four dayes for themselves, and promiseth, as soone as they 



niCHARD III. 28o 

caa repay him tUe money he layed out for them, he will set them at 
liberty." 

In Cromweirs answer to this letter, dated "Oct. 2nd, 1651," 
he thus alludes to the battle of Worcester, fought in the 
preceding month : — 

** The Lord hath marvelonsly appeared even against them ; and 
now again when all the power was devolved into the Scottish Kinge 
and the malignant partie, they invaded England, the Lord has 
rayned upon them such snares as the enclosed will show, only the 
narrative is short in this, that of their whole armie, when the narra- 
tive was framed, not five of their whole armie were returned.** 

Both letters will be found in Governor Hutchinson's CoUeC' 
Hon of Original Papers relative to the History of Massachu- 
sets Bay, Boston, 1769, pp. 235-6. It is singular that Hume 
(chap. ix)does not notice the sale into slavery of the prison- 
ers taken either at Dunbar or Worcester. Southey, in his 
Book of the Church (chap, xvii., p. 475., London, 1841), 
says : — 

After the battle of Worcester many of the prisoners were actually 
shipt for Barbadoes and sold there." 

Eeic— (Vol. ii. p. 454.) 



EICHARD 111. 

After the battle of Bosworth Field, the body of Richard 
TTT. was stript, laid across a horse behind a pursuivant- 
at- arms, and conducted to Leicester, where afler it had 
been exposed for two days, it was buried with little cere- 
mony in the church of the Grey Friars, In Burton's MS. 
of the History of Leicester, we read that, " within the town 
was a house of Franciscan or Grey Friars, built by Simon 
Montfort, Earl of Leicester, whither (after Bosworth Field) 
the dead body of Richard III., naked, trussed behind a 
pursuivant-at-arms, all dashed with mire and blood, was 
there brought and homely- buried; where afterward King 
Henry VII. (out of a royal disposition) erected for him a 
fair alabaster monument, with his picture cut out, and 



286 PRINCESSES OF WALES, 

made thereon.^^'^liiiehoh^B Leicestershire^ yoI. i. p. 357. : see 
also pp. 298. 381. 

PBIKCESSES OF WALES. 

Blackstone, in his Commentaries, vol. i. p. 224., says, the 
heir apparent to the crown is usually made Prince of Wales 
and Earl of Chester ; upon which Mr, Christian in a note 
remarks, upon the authority of Hume, that this creation has 
not been confined to the heir apparent, for both Queen 
Mary and Queen Elizabeth were created by their &ther, 
Henry VIIL, Princesses of Wales, each of them at the time 
(the latter after the legitimation of Mary) being heir pre- 
sumptive to the crown. 

Can any of your correspondents inform me upon what 
authority this statement of Hume rests ? or whether there 
exists any evidence of such creations having been made? 
Do any such creations appear upon the Patent Rolls ? The 
statement is not supported by any writer of authority upon 
such subjects, and, as far as your Querbt's investigation 
has proceeded, seems without foundation. It is one, how- 
ever, too important in connection with royal titles to re- 
main uncontradicted, if the &ct be not so. 

G.— (Vol.iu.p.477.) 

These queries produced the following reply:— 
The statement of Hume, that Elizabeth and Mary were 
created Princesses of Wales, rests, I am disposed to think, 
on most insufficient authority ; and I am surprised that so 
illustrious an author should have made an assertion on such 
slender grounds, which carries on the face of it a manifest 
absurdity, and which was afterwards retracted by the very 
author from whom he borrowed it. 

Hume*s authority is evidently Burnetts History of the 
Reformation ; (indeed, in some editions Burnet is referred 
to) in which are the following passages (vol. i. p. 71., Ox- 
ford edition, 1829): — 

^ The king, being out of hopes of more children, declared his 



PRINCESSES OF WALES. 287 

daaghter (Mary) Princess of Wales, and sent her to Ludlow to hold 
her court there, and projected divers matches for her.'* 

Again, p. 271.: — 
**£lizabeth was soon after declared Princess of Wales; though 
lawyers thought that against law, for she was only heir presumptive^ 
but not apparent, to the crown, since a son coming after he must be 
preferred. Tet the king would justify what he had done in his mar- 
riage with all possible respect ; imd having before declared the Lady 
Mary Princess of Wales, he did now the same in favour of the Lady 
Elizabeth." 

Harness statement is taken almost verbatim from this last 
passage of Burnet, who, however, it will be observed, does 
not say " created," but " declared" Princess of Wales ; the 
distinction between which is obvious. He was evidently 
not aware that Burnet afterwards corrected this statement 
in an Appendix, entitled, ^' Some Mistakes in the first For* 
tion of this History jcommunicated to me by Mr. William 
Fulman, Rector of Hampton Meysey, in Gloucestershire/* 
In this is the following note, in correction of the passages I 
have quoted (Bum. Hiat Bef.^ vol. iv. p. 578.) : — 

** Here and in several other places it is supposed that the next heir 
apparent of the crown was Prince of Wales. The heir apparent of . 
the crown is indeed prince, but not, strictly speaking, of Wales, 
unless he has it given him by creation ; and it is said that there is 
nothing on record to prove that any of Henry's children were ever 
created Prince of Wales. There are indeed some hints of the Lady 
Mary's being styled Princess of Wales; for when a family was ap- 
pointed for her, 1525, Yeysey, bishop of Exeter, her tutor, was made 
president of Wales. She also is said to have kept her house at Lud- 
low ; and Leland says, that Tekenhill, a house in those parts, built 
for Prince Arthur, was prepared for her. And Thomas Linacre dedi* 
cates his RudimeyUs of Grammar to her, by the title of Princess of 
Cornwall and Wales." 

This is one of the many instances of the inaccuracy, care^ 
lessness, and (where his religious or political prejudices 
were not concerned) credulity of Burnet. Whatever he 
found written in any previous historian, unless it militated 
against his preconceived opinions, he received as true, with- 
out considering whether the writer was entitled to credit, 



288 PRINCESSES OF WALES, 

■ ■ " ■ ■ ■ ■ ' » 

and had good means of gaining information. Now, neither 
Hall, Holinshed, Polydore Virgil, nor (I think) Cardinal 
Pole, contemporary writers, say anything about Mary or 
Elizabeth being Princesses of Wales. The only writei: I 
am acquainted with who does say any such thing, previous 
to Burnet, and whose authority I am therefore compelled 
to suppose the latter relied on, when he made the statement 
which he afterwards contradicted, is PoUini, an obscure 
Italian Dominican, who wrote a work entitled VUistaria 
JEcclesicutica delta Rivoluzion (TlnghiUerra ; Racolta da 
Oravimmi Scrittori non tneno di quella Nazione, che deW 
aUri^ da F, Girolamo PoUini deW ordine de Predicatori, 
deUa Provincia de Toscana : Roma, Facciotti, 1594. In 
book i. chapter ii, page 7. of this author is the following 
statement which I translate, speaking of the Princess 
Itf ary : — 

•* As the rightful heir of the throne she was declared by Henry, 
iier father, Princess of Wales, which is the ordinary title borne by 
the first-born of the king ; since the administration and government 
of this province is allowed to no other, except to that son or daughter 
of the king, to whom, by hereditary right, on the death of the king 
the government of the realm falls. ... In the same way that the 
first-bom of the French king is called the Dauphin, so the first-bom 
of the English king is called Prince of Britain, or of Wales, which is 
a province of that large island, lying to the west, and containing 
four bishoprics. Which Mary, with the dignity and title of Princess, 
assisted by a most illustrious senate, and accompanied by a splendid 
establishment, administered with much prudence," &c 

Pollini's history is, as may be supposed, of very little his- 
torical value ; and one feels surprised that, on a point like 
,the present, Burnet should have allowed himself to be mis* 
led by him. But still more remarkable, in my opinion, is 
the use Miss Strickland makes of this author. Afte^ 
several times giving him as her authority at the foot of 
the page, by the name of PoUinOy but without giving the 
least information as to the name of his work, or who he 
was, she has the following note relating to the passage I 
have quoted {Lives of the Queens of England^ vol. v. p. 
466.):— 



THE EMPRESS HELENA, 289 

" The Italian then carefully explains that the Priuces of Wales 
were in the same position, in regard to the English crown, as the 
Daaphins were to that of France. Pollino mnst have had good 
documentary evidence, since he describes Mary's council and court, 
which he calls a senate, exactly as if the Privy Council books had 
been open to him. He says four bishops were attached to this court" 

It seems to me a singular mode of proving that FoUini 
must have had good documentary evidence, by saying that 
he speaks exactly and positively ; and I would ask what 
good documentary evidence would a Florentine friar be 
likely to have, who certainly never was in England, and in 
all probability never far from his convent ? But it is the 
statement about the bishops that I wish more particularly 
to allude to, as I can find no statement to that effect in Tollini^ 
and can only suppose that Miss Strickland misunderstood 
the passage (quoted above) where he says the province of 
Wales contains four bishopriqs. 

I think I have now shown that Hume*s statement rests 
on no sufficient grounds as to the authority from whence he 
derived it. But there is yet another against it, which is 
this : it would be necessary, before Elizabeth was created 
Princess of Wales, that Mary should be deprived of it ; and 
this could only be done by a special act of parliament. But 
we find no act of such a nature passed in the reign of 
Henry VIII. There are other reasons also against it ; but 
having, I think, said enough to show the want of any foun- 
dation for the assertion, I shall not trouble you any 
further. C. C. R.— (Vol. iv. p. 24.) 



THE EMPRESS HELENA. 

Most readers of general history are aware that the parentage 
of the renowned mother of the still more renowned Constan- 
tine has been claimed for two widely different sources, — a 
British king on the one hand, and an innkeeper of Bithynia 
on the other. In favour of the former, we have Geoffrey of 
Monmouth, Carte the English historian, and modern Welsh 
authors ; for the latter, Gibbon and his authorities. The 

u 



290 CHRISTIANITT IN ORKNEY, 

object of the present Query is threefold : 1. Will someone 
having access to Greoffrey be kind enough to favour me (in 
the original or a translation) with the exact statement of 
the chronicler to which Gibbon refers P 2. Are writers of 
intelligence and credit quite agreed that the tradition which 
assigns to the wife of Constantius a royal British parentage 
was " invented in the darkness of monasteries ? " 3. Where 
is the question — one of interest in many ways — ^fuUy and 
satisfactorily discussed ? H. — (Vol. iv. p. 154.) 

The statement will be found in Geoffrey's British HiS' 
toryy book v. ch. 6. : — "After the decease of Coel, a petty 
prince of Caercolvin [Colchester], Constantius himself was 
crowned, and married the daughter of Coel, whose name was 
Helena. She surpassed all the ladies of the country in 
beauty, as she did all others of the time in her skill in music 
and the liberal arts. Her father had no other issue to 
succeed him on the throne ; for which reason he was very 
careful about her education, that she might be better qua- 
lified to govern the kingdom. Constantius, therefore, 
having made her partner of his bed, had a son by her 
called Constantine.** Thus far Geoffrey ; and with him 
agree Baronius, Ussher, Stillingfleet, and Camden. The 
learned Lipsius* opinion of this tradition, in his letter to 
Mr. Camden, will be found in his Epistles^ page 64. The 
tradition, however, is not mentioned by Gildas, Kennius, 
or Bede. Our correspondent will find a long discussion on 
this disputed point in Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints^ 
August 18, Art. " S. Helen." See also Tillemont, Hist, des 
EmpereurSy U iv. Ed. N. & Q. — (Vol. iv. p. 154.) 

CHRISTIANITY FIRST INTRODUCED INTO ORKNET. 

Christianity is believed to have been introduced into 
Orkney before the Norwegian conquest by King Harold 
Harfager, in 895 ; but the race who inhabited the country 
at that period are said to have been extirpated or driven 
out by the Scandinavians, who were worshippers of Odin and 
Thor. In the end of the tenth century ^e King of Nor- 



CHRISTIANITY IN ORKNEY. 291 

way, Olaf Tryggveson, renounced Paganism for Christi- 
anity,, which he forced both on IN^orway and Orkney at the 
point of the sword ; M. Depping, in his Histoire dea JExpe- 
cUtiona Maritimes des Normandsy torn. ii. p. 60. ed. 1826, 
states that Sigurd, the second Earl of Orkney (whose 
brother Ronald, Earl of Msere, the first Norwegian Earl of 
Orkney, was the common ancestor of the Earls of Orkney 
and Dukes of Normandy), drove the Christians out of 
Orkney. This was towards the beginning of the tenth 
century. It has been overlooked by Barry, the local his- 
toriau, or unknown to him, who mentions (p. 123.) the in- 
troduction by king Olaf Tryggveson as either the first in- 
troduction, or at least the final establishment of the Christian 
religion. I have looked into Torfaeus' Orcades^ the Ork- 
neyinga Saga, and the Sagas of the two kings, Harold Har- 
fager and Olaf Tryggveson, in Mr. Laing*s translation of 
Snow's Hermskringla, and have not found the expulsion of 
the Christians by Sigurd mentioned in any of those works. 
Will some of your learned correspondents be so obliging 
as to point out M. Depping's authority for this fact ? I 
have just now fallen in with a curious example of the rude 
Christianity* of the Northmen, who worshipped both Thor 
and Christ, and the passage is perhaps worth quoting. 
TorfaBUS, in his Orcades, p. 15., mentions a Scandinavian 
chief called Helgius, who lived in Iceland about 888, and 
says : 

'* Christianis sacris quibns infans initiatus est, per totam vitam ad- 
hssit, valde tamen in religionis articulia rudis ; nam Thorem, ad 
ardaa negotia, itineraque maritima feliciter expediunda invocandum, 
cfletera Christum dictitavit, tanquam cum Thore divisum imperium 
habentem. Simile Witichendus Monacbus et Sigebertus Gemlan- 
sensis, de Danis, in primis religionis incunabulis, prodidere." 

W. H. F.-(Vol. iv. p. 439.) 

It is capable of demonstration that Christianity was in- 
troduced into the Orkney Islands, or at least that 
missionaries were sent there, long previous to the invasion 
of Harold Harfagus. W. H. F. mentions that Depping, in 
the Histoire des Expeditions Maritimes des Normands^ states 

u 2 



292 CHRISTIANITY IN ORKNEY. 



that Sigurd, the second nominallj, though really the first 
earl, expelled the Christians from Orkney, and he requests 
to know Depping's authority ; as the circumstance is not 
alluded to by Torfseus, the Orkney inga- Saga, or Snorro 
Sturleson, and has been " either overlooked by Barry, or 
unknown to him." 

The well-known "Diploma or Genealogical Deduction of 
the Earls of Orkney,** written by the bishop of that diocese 
in the year 1406, and printed in Wallace's Account of Ork- 
neyy and in the appendices to Barry's History ^ and the 
Orkney inga- Saga, is generally looked « upon, from the cir- 
cumstances under which it was drawn up, as an authentic 
document of considerable historical value. It is there 
mentioned, that the Norsemen found the islands inhabited 
by the Peti and Fape, whom they exterminated. But I 
transcribe the words of the Diploma : 

** Hsec terra sive insularum patria Orcadie fuit inhabitata et cnlta, 
daabus nacionibas scilicet Peti et Pape, qae due genera naciones fue- 
rant destnicte radicitns, ac penitus per Norwegenses de stirpe sive de 
triba strenaissiini principis Rognaldi, qai sic sunt ipaias naciones ag- 
gressi, qaod posteritas ipsarum nacionum Peti et Pape non remansit." 

Though Chalmers (Caledonia, vol. i. p. 261.) is rather 
inclined to discredit the above account, it seems probable 
that those Papie were missionaries or priests, who were also 
found, under precisely the same name, in Iceland when that 
island was colonised by the Norsemen (Pinker ton's Enquiry, 
vol. ii. p. 297.). I have not my copy of Depping at pre- 
sent by me, and therefore am unable to say whether he ex- 
plains his use of the word Christians in his mention of their 
expulsion. It may be that, without going into detail, he 
accepted, as proved, the identity of the Pape and the priests, 
and believed himself warranted in making the assertion. 
But perhaps he might have had some other authority of 
which I am ignorant, as he* attributes the expulsion (ac- 
cording to W. H. F.) to Sigurd, whereas the words of the 
Diploma are, "per Norwegenses de stirpe sive de tribu 
strenuissimi principis Rognaldi," by no means limiting the 
deed to his (Rognald's) immediate successor, though in- 



J 



HOUSE OF COMMONS. 293 



ferentially accusing Sigurd of participation. A careful 
consideration of the entire passage in Depping, and of his 
general style, may tend to show whether he relied merely 
on the Diploma, or whether he had some more definite 
authority. 

I may mention that, though it has escaped W. H. F.*s 
observation, he will find, by referring to pp. 87. 116. 183., 
Headrick*s edition, that Barry did not orerlook the early 
Christianising of the Orimeys, and the extirpation of the 
Fape ; although, seeing that the former is matter of hbtory, 
and the latter was not a mere tradition in 1406, but derived 
from a more trustworthy source (^ sicnt eromce nostre clare 
demonstrant"), he is scarcely distinct enough, or decided 
in his inferences. It would be interesting to know what 
were those " cronice" appealed to by the bishop. 

A. H. R.— (Vol. V. p. 111.) 

HOUSE OF COMMONS TEMP. ELIZABETH AKD JAMES. 

On running over the pages of the Commons* Journals, 
many a little characteristic incident turns up, which you 
may possibly deem suitable to your pages. 

Coughing doum a membernot allowed, — ^ Whoever hisseth 
or disturbeth any speech hereafter, shall be called to the 
bar. Growing upon Sir Lewis Lewknor's speech," — that 
is, the practice gained strength during his speech. (2 James 
I., June 20.) 

Absenteeism. — ^This was most rigorously denied, except by 
special leave for attending assizes or other public matters. 
The following permission being accompanied by a stipu- 
lated honorariumy suggests that the cause of absence was 
regarded by the House as frivolous; "Sir !Rob. Wroth 
hath leave to absent himself for a se*nnight, upon the king*s 
hunting in the forest ; hath leave, paying a buck to Mr. 
Speaker." (June 12, 2 James I.) 

A Lawyer outvoted by a Jackdaw, — ^This was in a case for 
a " bill for costs in a prohibition," which was " dashed upon 
the division of the House ; '* for " a jackdaw flew in at the 

u3 



294 HOUSE OF COMMONS. 



i 



window during his (Mr. FuUeKs) speech, which was called 
omen to the bill/* (May 31.) 

BUI against casdy Apparel, — Mr. Brook's speech for this 
bill (18 Jac. I.) is a prose version of the New Courtier's 
Alteration, or second part of what is now called the Old 
Country Oentleman. He attributes to extravagance in dress, 
decay of the public treasure, the ceasing of old-fashioned 
hospitality, the debts of knights and gentlemen ; and what 
he terms the inequality of trade, importation and exporta- 
tion. (Only think of) " 18i. a year by a great courtier for 
shoe-strings I " Now-a-days, roses worn by Members of 
this House on their shoes cost more than did their fathers' 
apparel ; and he concludes by observing, that gilding and 
lace are clothing neither for winter nor summer ; Scripture 
teaching us that man's first covering, even by the gift of 
heaven, was nothing but skins. 

Quoting Latin, — The trick so common among the mem- 
bers at that time of dragging in Latin upon all occasions, 
was a fashion strengthened, if not set on foot, by the king's 
pedantry. It was 'all very well in Sir Francis Bacon and 
such as he, but must have been insufferable when Sir Roger 
Owen could not allude to a straight line, without adding ; 
** Brevissima extensio a puncto ad punctum." The greatest 
array of Latinisms occurs in the numerous debates about 
the Union of Scotland and England, which being a pet pro- 
ject of James's would of course attract his eye. But (in- 
dependently of the quackery here referred to) it is worth 
adding, that if the disjointed jottings- down of these brief 
but energetic debates touching Scotland were judiciously 
linked into continuous dialogue, they would bring out an 
array of facts and arguments more instructive than whole 
chapters of formal history- writing. 

N.B. — There are two different diaries of the first five 
years of James. 

Fulsome Homage towards the King, — This it must be con- 
fessed showed itself more in words than in deeds ; but the 
words are often inexcusably extravagant, and James is 
perpetually referred to as guided by maxims and influenced 



HOUSE OF COMMONS, 295 

by a motive power unknown to common men. Sir George 
Moore said, ^^ Tbey could not follow a better guide than bia 
Majesty; tbougb, like Peter, afar off.** (March 19, 21 
James I.) A more glaring instance of abject homage 
could hardly be furnished than by the examination of 
£dward Floyd, Esq., for speaking jeeringly of the Queen 
of Bohemia, James*8 daughter. One member affcer another 
starts up and proposes some cruel or grotesque form of 
punishment; such as boring the tongue, pillory, fining, 
flogging, riding backwards on horseback with his beads 
and friar's girdle about him.* Sir George Goring moved 
for " twelve rides on an ass, at every stage to swallow a 
bead, and twelve jerks to make him." *^ As he laughed at 
the loss of Prague, therefore let him cry by whipping." 
Sir Edward Wardour : ** as many lashes as the Prince and 
Princess are old.** Mr. Angell : " A gag in his mouth to 
keep him from crying and procuring pity." Sir Francis 
Seymour of Marlborough delivered his judgment as follows : 
" To go from Westminster at a cart's tail, with his doublet 
off, to the Tower ; the beads about his neck, and to receive 
OS many lashes by the way as he had b^ads.'* It is satis- 
factory to add, that the merciful part of the House pre- 
vailed ; and though the riding backwards and fining were 
inflicted, there was " no blood.** James, in one of his mes- 
sages to the Commons, tells them that *^ he was infinite, and 
his occasions infinite** (vol. i. p. 946.) ; but the House, 
without presuming to question this modest attribute, do 
not appear to have considered it necessary to promise a 
corresponding " subsidy." 

Act agaiTist Scandahutt and Unworthy Divines, — This, 
which is usually attributed to the Long Parliament, was first 
brought forward under James I. (April 28, 1621.) 

TheZong-bowYersuathe Gun, — An act, in 1621, for the pre- 
servation of game is based on the now " inordinate shooting 
in pieces;'* but it was opposed as absurd, the long-bow being 
now an obsolete weapon, and " guns being the service of the 
state : '* meaning thereby that the practice of gun-shooting 
was valuable, however acquired. Yet, though the long- 

C7 4 



296 KING JOHN AT LINCOLN. 

bow is declared obsolete at the period here mentioned, it is 
certain that at the commencement of the civil wars, twenty 
years later, it was an arm by no means neglected by the 
parliament. It may also be remembered, that Sir Walter 
Scott has introduced its use into the Legend of Montrose in 
1643, greatly to the contempt of Dugald Dalgetty. 

Purity of JElectiana, — Mr. Noy, on this point, tells the 
House a story of Lord Bruce of Bremberghe, for only 
uttering the word remmiscar by way of threat to one E.oger 
a Baron of the Exchequer, being adjudged : To go up and 
down Westminster Hall, in his hose and doublet, without 
his hat; to go to all the courts, and then to go to the 
Tower. *' And fit it were," he then adds, ^^ that these men 
(divers Yorkshire constables), for forestalling freedom of 
election, and terrifying men with as much as reminiscary 
should go to the Tower.** Then, as to the qualification 
of voters, there is abundant evidence that electors in 
boroughs always lost their right by non-residence ; and it 
was not till the ISth Elizabeth that an attempt was made 
by a bill to give "validity to burgesses non rMta?rf,*'— the 
term burgesses here meaning representatives. And the 
independence of cities and towns is illustrated by the 
unchallenged assertion of a member, in 1604, that the in- 
terference of a sherifi* would be tantamount to " the dis- 
inherison of any corporation.** 

Plan for keeping Members to their Seats. — " Ordered : 
That 1^ after the reading of the first bill, any of the House 
depart before the rising of Mr. Speaker, to pay to the poor 
men's box four pence.** (Nov. 9, 9 Elizabeth.) 

J. W— (Vol. xii. p. 138.) 



KING JOHN AT LINCOLN. 

Matthew Paris, under the year 1200, gives an account of 
King John*s visiting Lincoln to meet William, king of Scots, 
and to receive his homage : 

"Ubi Bex Johaimes [he says], contra consilium multonun. 



LANDING OF WILLIAM III, 297 

intravit civitatem intrepidiu, quod nuUiu antecessomm suomm 
attentare ausns fiierat." 

What were they afraid of? 

C. W. B.— (Vol. iiL p. 141.) 

There is no. question of Matt. Paris alluding here to the 
old prophecy which forbade a king's wearing his crown in 
Lincoln, or, as some think, even entering the city. Al- 
though he makes John the first to break through the super- 
stition, yet the same is attributed to his predecessor Stephen, 
who is described by H. Huntingdon as entering the city 
fearlessly — ^'prohibentibus quibusdam superstitiosis.*' This 
was after the great disasters of Stephen*s reign ; but as the 
succession eyentually departed from his line, Lord Lyttle- 
ton observes that the citizens might neyertheless be strength- 
ened in their credulity ; and Henry IL certainly humoured 
it so far as to wear his crown only in the suburb of Wig- 
ford. John seems to have been yery partial to the place, 
and yisited it repeatedly, as did many of his successors. 
Many parallel superstitions might, no doubt, be gathered, 
as that of Oxford, and Alexander the Great at Babylon, 
&c. B.— (Vol. iiL p. 291.) 



LANDING OF WILLIAM IIL 

The following notes appeared in reply to a query as to 
the date of the landing of this Prince. 

The Prince of Orange arrived in Torbay on the eve of 
the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot ; but, according to 
Humet (who was on board one of the prince's ships), it ap- 
pears that, ^ The 4th of November being the day on which 
the prince was bom and married, he fancied that if he could 
land that day it would look auspicious to the army, and 
animate the soldiers. But we all, who considered that the 
day following being Gunpowder Treason day, our landing 
that day might have a good effect on the minds of the 
ICnglish nation, were better pleased to see that we could 
land no sooner.'* (HarL MS. 6798, art. 49.) See also 



298 GEORGE IV, AND TBE DUKE OF YORK, 

Trevor's Life and Timei of William III.^ vol. i. p. 281., 
who says, " On the 4th, the fleet continued to steer their 
course in order to land at Dartmouth or Torbay. During 
the night the violence of the wind carried them beyond the 
desired port ; but a favourable change taking place the 
following morning the whole fleet was safely carried into 
Uorbay, a place in everyway most suited for landing the 
Horse." ' . (Vol. x. p. 424.) 

Seeing a question about the landing of the Prince of 
Orange on Nov. 5, 1 though perhaps the following extracts 
might be amusing. They are from a book entitled : 

** The History of the Desertion ; or an Account of all the Publick 
Affairs in England, from the beginning of September, 1688, to the 
Twelfth of February following. By a Person of Quality : London, 
1689." 

« And when all men expected the invasion would fall on the north, 
the third of November, between ten and eleven of the clock, the 
Dutch fleet was discovered about half seas over, between Calice and 
Dover ; and about five, this numerous fleet was passed by that town, 
steering a channel course westward, the wind at E. N. E., a fresh 
gale. The fourth day being Sunday, and the birthday of the Prince 
of Orange, the fleet drove till four in the afternoon ; the morning 
being spent in sermons, and other divine offices. And then it sailed 
again to the westward. The fifth of November, the Dutch fleet 
passed by Dartmouth ; and it being a hazy foggy morning, and full 
of rain, they overshot Torbay, where the Prince intended to land ; but 
about nine of the clock, the weather cleared up, and the wind changed 
W. S. W., and the fleet stood eastward, with a moderate gale, en- 
tering Torbay, and being then about 400 or 500 sail in number. 
This change of the wind was observed by Dr. Burnet to have been 
of no long duration ; but immediately it chopped into another cor- 
ner, when it had executed its commission." 

AucEPs- — (Vol. X. p. 631.) 

ANECDOTE OP GEOBGE IV. AND THE DUKE OF YOKE. 

The following letter was written in a boy's round hand 
and sent with some China cups : 
Dear Old Mother Batten, 
Prepare a junket for us, as Fred, and I are coming t^i^ 



STRAFFORD AND ARCHBISHOP USSHER, 299 

evening. I send you these cups, which we have stolen from 
the old woman [the queen]. Don*t you say anything 
about it. George. 

The above was found in the bottom of one of the cups, 
which were sold for five guineas on the death of Mr. 
Nichols, who married Mother Batten. The cups are now 
in possession of a Mr. Toby, No. 10. York Buildings, St. 
Sidwells, Exeter. Julia R. Bockbtt. — (Vol. ix. p. 244.) 

I think it probable that the writer refers not to the 
Queen but to Mrs. Schwellenberg, an old German lady, 
who came over with the late queen as a confidential 
domestic, and who would have such articles under her 
keeping. (See Diary of Madame D*Arblay.) The trans- 
action is a notable instance of the princess forethought 
and liberality at an early age. W. H. — (Vol. ix. p. 338.) 

LOBD STBAFFOKD AND ABCHBISHOP tTSSHER. 

In Lord Campbeirs account of the conduct of Archbishop 
Williams, and the advice which that prelate gave to Charles 
I. with respect to the attainder of Lord Strafford, is a sen- 
tence which seems to require a " Note." Having observed 
that " Williams's conduct with respect to Strafford cannot 
be defended," and having referred particularly to his speech 
in parliament, he proceeds in these words : — 

** The Bill of Attainder being passed, altbongh he professed to 
disapprove of it, he agreed to go with three other prelates to try to 
indace the king to assent to it, and thus he stated the qnestion : — 
< Since his Majesty refers his own judgment to his jadges, and they 
are to answer it, if an innocent person suffers, — why may he not satisfy 
his conscience in the present matter, dnce competent jadges in the law 
have awarded that they find the Earl guilty of treason, by suffering 
the judgment to stand, though in his own mind he is satisfied that 
the party convicted was not criminous?* The other three bishops, 
trusting to his learning and experience, joined with him in sanction- 
ing this distinction, in laying all the blame on the judges, and in 
saying that the king, with a good conscience, might agree to Straf- 
ford's death. Clarendon mainly imputes Strafford's death to Williams's 
conduct on this occasion, saying that * he acted his part with pro< 



SOD STRAFFORD AND ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 

digioas boldness and impietj.' It is stated as matter of palliatioa 
by others, that Ussher, the celebrated Archbishop of Armagh, was 
one of this deputation, and that Strafford, although aware of the 
advice he had given, was attended by him on the scaffold, and re- 
ceived fh>m him the last consolations of religion.*' — Lioea of the 
Chancelloraj vol. ii. p. 494., second edition. 

The account which Lord Campbell has here given is the 
same in substance as that given by Bishop Hackett in his 
Life of Williams (Part II. p. 161.), and in several par- 
ticulars is calculated to mislead the reader. The whole 
story has been very carefully examined by the late Dr. 
Elrington in his Life of Archbishop Ussher. Haokett*s 
account is very incorrect. There were five prelates con- 
sulted by the king, Ussher, Williams, Juxon, Morton 
(Durham), and Potter (Carlisle). The bishops had two in- 
terviews with the king ; one in the morning, and the other in 
the evening of the same day. At the morning meeting Ussher 
was not present. It was Sunday, and he was engaged at the 
time preaching at Covent Garden. In the evening he Tvas 
in attendance, but so far from giving the advice suggested 
by Williams, much less approving his pernicious distinction 
between a public and a private conscience, Ussher plainly 
advised the king, that if he was not satisfied of StrafiTord 
being guilty of treason, he " ought not in conscience to 
assent to his condemnation." Such is the account given by 
Dr. Parr, Ussher*s chaplain, who declares, that, when the 
primate was supposed to be dying, he asked his Grace — 

" Whether he had advised the king to pass the bill against the Earl 
of Strafford? To which the Primate answered : * I know there is 
such a thing most wrongfully laid to my charge ; for I neither gave 
nor approved of any such advice as that the king should assent to 
the bill against the Earl ; but, on the contrary, told his Majesty, that 
if he was satis^d by what he heard at his trial, that the Earl was 
not guilty of treason, his Majesty ought not in conscience to consent 
to his condemnation. And this the king knows well enough, and can 
clear me if he pleases.' The hope of the Primate was fulfilled, ibr 
when a report reached Oxford that the Primate was dead, the king 
expressed in very strong terms to Colonel William Legg and Mr. Kirk, 
who were then in waiting, his regret at the. event, speaking in high 



STRAFFORD AND ARCHBISHOP USSHER, 801 

tenns of his piety and learning. Some one present said, * he believed 
he might be so, vrere it not for his persuading your Majesty to con- 
sent to the Earl of Strafford's execution ; ' to >?hich the king in a 
great passion replied, * that i^ was false, for after the bill was passed, 
the Archbishop came to me, saying with tears in his eyes, Oh Sir, 
what have you done ? I fear that this act may prove a great trouble 
to your conscience, and pray God that your Majesty may never 
suffer by the signing of this bilL* '* — Elrington's Life of UasheTf 
p. 214. 

This accoKnt Dr. Elrington has taken from the narrative 
given by Dr. Parr, who adds, that he had received this 
account of the testimony borne by the king from Colonel 
Legg and Mr. Elirk themselves : — 

^* This is the substance of two certificates, taken at divers times 
under the hands of these two gentlemen of unquestionable credit ; 
both which, since they agree in substance I thought fit to con- 
tract into one testimony, which I have inserted here, having the 
originals by me, to produce if occasion be." — Parr's Life of Ueaher, 
p. 61. 

Indeed, considering the great and uninterrupted friend- 
ship which subsisted between Ussher and StrafiTord, consider- 
ing that the primate was his chosen friend during his trial 
and imprisonment, and attended him to the scaffold, nothing 
could be more improbable than that he should have advised 
the king to consent to his death. At all events, the story is 
contradicted by those most competent to speak to its truth, 
by the archbishop and by the king ; and therefore, in a 
work so deservedly popular as Lord CampbelFs, one cannot 
but regret that any currency should be given to a calumny 
so injurious to a prelate whose character is as deserving 
of our esteem as his learning is of our veneration. 

Pebegrinus. — (Vol. iv. p. 290.) 

The question raised by Pbkbobinits is one of interest 
nvfaieh a comparison of original and trustworthy writers 
enables us soon to settle. It is no vulgar calumny which 
imj^icates Ussher in the advice which induced Charles I. to 
consent to the murder of Lord Strafford ; and though it 
seems not unlikely that from timidity Ussher avoided giving 



302 STRAFFORD AND ARCHBISHOP USSHER. 

any advice, but allowed it to be inferred that he coincided 
in the counsel of Williams : after weighing the evidence on 
this subject it is, to say the least, impossible for us to be- 
lieve for an instant that he acted in the same noble manner 
as Bishop Juxon. Thus far is clear, that Bishop Juxon, 
knowing that the king was satisfied of the innocence of Lord 
Strafford, besought him to refuse to allow of the execution, 
and to 'Hrust God with the rest." Neither is it denied 
that Bishops Williams, Potter, and Morton advised the king 
to assent to the bill of attainder, on the ground that he was 
only assenting to the deeds of others, and was not himself 
acting responsibly. And assuredly the same evidence 
which carries us thus far, will not allow of our supposing 
that Ussher joined with Juxon, though, as I have said before, 
he may, when summoned, have avoided giving any advice. 
The facts seem simply these : when it was known that the 
king, satisfied of the innocence of Lord Strafford, hesitated 
about affixing his signature to the bill, or granting a com- 
mission to others to do so, the London rabble, lord mayor, 
and *prentice lads were next called up, and the safety of the 
royal family menaced. This led to the queen*8 solicitation, 
that Charles would regard the lives of his family and sacrifice 
Strafford. Still the king could not be moved. He had 
scruples of conscience, as well he might. This the peers 
knowing, they selected four bishops who would satisfy these 
scruples : the four thus selected were Ussher, Williams, Mor- 
ton, and Potter. On Sunday morning, the 9th of May, the 
four should have proceeded to Whitehall : the three latter 
did so; but Ussher preferred the safer course of going and 
preaching at St. Paul's, Covent Garden, leaving to his brother 
bishops the task of distinguishing between the king's pri- 
vate conscience and his corporate one. The king, not 
satisfied tb leave the matter in the hands of those specially 
selected to urge his consent, summoned the Privy CounciL 
Juxon was present as Lord Treasurer, and gave that noble 
and truly Christian advice : " Sir, you know the judgment 
of your own conscience ; I beseech you follow that, and 
trust God with the rest." Moved by this, and by his own 



STRAFFORD AND ARCHBISHOP US8HEK SOS 



conviction of Strafford's innocence, the king still refused 
assent ; and it was needful to hold another meeting, which 
was done in the evening of the same day. As evening 
service had not been introduced into churches, Ussher was 
present at the palace, and by his silence acquiesced in the 
advice tendered by Bishop Williams. After the bill was 
signed, he broke silence in useless regrets. But it was then 
too late to benefit Strafford, and quite safe to utter his own 
opinions. In opposition to this, which rests upon indisput- 
able evidence, and with which Ussher's own statement 
entirely accords, Pebeghinus adduces the fact that Ussher 
attended Strafford on the scaffold. But what does this 
prove ? Merely that the faction which would not tolerate 
that Laud or Juxon should minister the last offices of the 
Church to their dying friend, did not object to Ussher*s 
presence; and that Strafford, who could have known nothing 
of what had passed on Sunday in the interior of Whitehall, 
gladly accepted the consolations of religion from the hands 
of the timid Primate of all Ireland. 

The substance of what appears in Elrington's Life of 
Ussher had been long before stated by Dr. Thomas Smith, 
in his Vita Jacohi Usserii, apud ViUb quorundam Erudit et 
lUust. Virorum ; but if, in addition, Pebeobinus would con- 
sult May's History of the Long Parliament ; Ecihard's JETw- 
tory of England, bk. ii. ch. i. ; Whitelocke's Memorials^ p. 
45.; Rushworth; Collier's Ecclesiastical History, t. ii. p. 
801. ; Dr. Knowler, in Preface to The Earl of Strafford's 
Letters and Dispatches ; Dr. South, in Sermon on Bom. xi. 
33. ; and Sir George Radcliffe's Essay in Appendix to Letters, 
Sfc, of Lord Strafford, t. ii. p. 432., I doubt not but that 
lie will come to the conclusion that the above sketch is 
only consistent with stern fact. 

W. Dn.— (Vol. iv. p. 349.) 



304 soys OF THE CONQUEROR. 



SONS OF THE CONQUEKOB. 

Sir N. W. Wraxall {Pogfhununu Memoirs, vol. i. p. 425.) 
says of the Duke of Dorset : — 

** His only son perished at twenty-one in an Irish foxchaae : a 
mode of dying not the most glorious or distinguished, though two 
sons of William the Conqaeror, one of whom was a King of England, 
tenninated their lives in a similar occnpation." 

Who are these two sons ? William Kufos would be one 
of them ; but who is the other ? And on what authority 
does the commonly received story of William II.*s death by 
the hand of Sir Walter Tyrrell rest ? 

Tbwab8.~(Vo1. v. p. 512.) 

Richard, second Son of the Conqueror, is said by Hume, 
and by some minor writers after him, to have been killed 
by a stag in the New Forest ; but William of Malmesbury 
and Roger of Wendover both say that he died of fever, 
consequent on malaria, which struck him while hunting 
there. This is well known to be of frequent occurrence in 
the neighbourhood of desolated human dwellings ; and thus 
seems to involve even a more striking instance of retribu- 
tive justice than the fate which Hume assigns to him. The 
fatality attending most of this name in our history is sin- 
gular. Of nine princes (three of them kings) who have 
borne the name of Richard, seven, or, if Hume is right, 
eight, have died violent deaths, including four successive 
generations of the House of York. 

J. S. Warden. — (Vol. v. p. 441.) 

No son of William the Conqueror, except William Rufus, 
was slain by an arrow in the New Forest. A grandson 
however, of the Conqueror, Richard, son of Robert Duke 
of Normandy, met with the same fate as Rufus, as stated 
by the contemporary chronicler, Florentius Wigornensis. 
(Edition of the Historical Society, vol. ii. p. 45.) Imme- 
diately after describing the death of William Rufus, he 
says : — 



CLARENCE, 305 



<*Nam et antea ejusdem Willelini j unions germanus Kicardus, in 
eadem foresta malto ante periei:at, et paulo ante suu» fratrvdis, 
Ricardus» comitis scilicet Normannoram Boberti filins, dam et ipse 
in venatu fuisset, a sao milite sagitta percussas, interilL'* 

Probably Sir N. Wraxall or his authority had read this 
statement hastily, and had construed fratruelU brother in- 
stead of nephew^ which is the correct sense of the word. 

Every historian of that day — Florentius Wigornensis 
and the Saxon chronicler among others — gives the re- 
ceived account of his death, except Suger, a Korman abbot, 
who says that Sir W. Tyrrell took a solemn oath to him that 
he was not the slayer of the king, but that the arrow came 
from an unknown hand. 

There can, I think, be little doubt but that Sir W. Tyr- 
relFs was the hand that drew the bow ; whether, however, 
he intended to kill the king or not, is a point which it is 
probable, after the time that has elapsed, will never be 
satisfactorily determined. R. C. C. — (Vol. v. p. 570.) 

CLARENCE. 

The title Clarekcb was, we learn from Camden {Bri- 
tannia^ edit. Gough, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74.), derived from the 
honour of Clare, in Suifolk ; and was first borne by Lionel 
Plantagenet, third son of Edward Hi., who married Eliza- 
beth de Burgh, daughter and heir of William, Earl of 
Ulster, and obtained with her the honour of Clare. He 
became, jure uxoris. Earl of Ulster, and was created, Sep- 
tember 15, 1362, Duke of Clarence. (Vol. viii. p. 565.) 

WHERE WAS THE FIRST PRINCE OP WALES BORN? 

The following note appeared in reply to a query (vol. vi. 
p. 270.) on this subject. 

In the Journal of the Archceological Institute for Septem- 
ber, 1850 (No. 27.), is a paper by the Rev. C. H. Harts- 
home upon Caernarvon Castle. In it will be found a very 
interestitig account of the noble building to which it refers, 

X 



303 NELSOX'S FUNERAL. 

founded upon data which have been too long neglected in 
the consideration of such matters, and in opposition to 
which romantic tradition should be allowed to have no 
weight whatever, — the public records of the kingdom. 
Painful as it may be to some to contemplate the downfall 
of such traditions as that of Edward II/s birth in the Eagle 
Tower, historic truth is of greater consequence to all. It 
will be seen bj Mr. Hartshorne^s paper, that the tower was 
not built till Edward of Caernarvon was thirty-three years 
of age. But the cognomen is nevertheless correct. The 
first Prince of Wales was certainly born in the town of 
Caernarvon ; and most probably in some building tempora- 
rily erected for the accommodation of the royal household. 

J. Bt.— (Vol. vi. p. 373.) 



nelson's funeral. 

The following account of Nelson's Funeral appeared in 
vol. vi. p. 333. 

The "Victory," with the remains of the ever-to-be- 
lamented Nelson, arrived off Sheerness, Sunday, December 
22, 1805. 

The body was placed the following morning on board the 
*• Chatham " yacht, proceeding on her way to Greenwich. 
The coffin, covered with an ensign, was placed on deck. 
Tuesday she arrived at Greenwich ; the body, still being in 
the coffin made of the wreck of "L' Orient," was then enve- 
loped in the colours of the " Victory," bound round by a 
piece of rope, and carried by sailors, part of the crew of the 
" Victory," to the Painted Hall, where preparations were 
made for the lying in state ; the days appointed for which 
were Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, January 5, 6, and 7, 
1806, and to which all due effect was given, Wednesday, 
January 8, the first day's procession by water took place, 
and the remains were removed from Greenwich to "White- 
hall, and from thence to the Admiralty, with all possible 
pomp and solemnity. This procession of barges, &c. was 



KELSON'S FUNERAL, 307 

nearly a mile long, minute guns being fired during its pro- 
gress. The banner of emblems was borne by Captain 
Hardy, Lord Nelson*s captain. The body was deposited 
that night in the captain's room at the Admiralty, and 
attended by the Kev« John Scott. 

Thursday, January 9, 1806, the procession from the Ad- 
miralty to St. PauFs moved forward about eleven o'clock in 
the morning, the first part consisting of cavalry regiments, 
regimental bands with muffled drums, Greenwich pen- 
sioners, seamen from the " Victory," about 200 mourning 
coaches, 400 carriages of public officers, nobility, &c., in- 
cluding those of the royal family (the Prince of Wales, Duke 
of Clarence, &c. taking part in the procession). The body, 
upon a funeral car, was drawn by six led horses. At 
Temple Bar, the city officers took their places in the pro- 
cession. Upon arrival at the cathedral, they entered by 
the west gate and the great west door, ranging themselves 
according to their ranks. The seats were as follows : under 
the dome, in each archway, in the front of the piers, and in 
the gallery over the choir. The form of the seats under the 
dome took the shape of the dome, namely, a circular appear- 
ance, and calculated to hold 3056 persons ; an iron railing 
was also placed from the dome to the great western door, 
within which persons were allowed to stand. The body 
was placed on a bier, erected on a raised platform opposite 
to the eagle desk. At the conclusion of the service in the 
choir, a procession was formed from thence to the grave, 
with banners, &c. The interment being over, Garter pro- 
claimed the style; and the comptroller, treasurer, and 
steward of the deceased, breaking their staves, gave the 
pieces to Garter, who threw them into the grave. 

The procession, arranged by the officers of arms, then 
returned. 

For a few days after the public were admitted upon a 
shilling fee, and permitted to enter the enclosed spot di- 
rectly over the body, looking down a distance of about ten 
feet, and were gratified with a sight of the coffin, placed 
upon a sort of table covered with black cloth. 

X 2 



SOS THE LAST JACOBITES. 



THE LAST JACOBITES. 



Jn vol. X. p. 507., R. C. C. writes as follows : — 
In a recent number of Household Words (Na 241. Nov. 
4, 1854) is an article on the last of the Stuarts, the Car- 
dinal York. It concludes as follows : — 

^ The Cardinal Dnke, doum to the very day of hh deaths althongh 
in the receipt of a manificent pension from England, was in commu- 
nication with several noblemen who still indulged the hope of placing 
him upon the throne of Great Britain. Among the Cardinal's papers 
were discovered letters from active partisans both in Ireland and 
Scotland ; but the English government wisely took no notice of these 
awkward revelations. Had they done so, numy men of high rank and 
great influence would have been brought to a severe account,** 

Who (if the parts of the quotation which I have marked 
in italics are correct) were the " noblemen," the " men of 
high rank and great influence,** who continued to cherish 
hopes of a Stuart restoration down to 1807, the year of 
Cardinal York's death ? 

I doubt whether any Jacobites were left in Scotland in 
1807, except a few decrepit old men, the remnant of those 
who had been "out in '45,'* and these could not be described 
as men of great influence. It seems strange, too, that so 
exemplary a person as Cardinal York, when he bequeathed 
his papers to his kinsman and benefactor George III., should 
not have taken some precautions to have all those destroyed 
which compromised any of his adherents who were then 
living as British subjects. 

These queries produced the following replies : — 
Valentine Lord Cloncurry was a nobleman who was on 
very intimate terms with Cardinal York. Whether he was 
one who "indulged the hope of placing him upon the 
throne of Great Britain" or not, I cannot say. But it 
looks suspicious, when we bear in mind that as a young 
man he joined, heart and soul, the anti-government party, 
was a United Irishman, became a member of the Executive- 
directory of the United Irish Society, wrote a pamphlet, 
and becoming an object of government suspicion, was ar- 



THE LAST JACOBITES. 309 

rested in 1798, and examined several times before the privy 
council. A twelve-month later the government again ar- 
rested him, and kept him in the Tower for two years. In 
his autobiography, amongst some sketches of bis visits to 
France and Italy, he thus speaks of the last of the Stuarts : — 

" Amongst the prominent members of Roman society in those days 
was the last of the Stuarts, Cardinal York, with whom I became 
somewhat of a favourite, probably by virtue of addressing him as 
* Majesty,' and thus going a step farther than the Duke of Sussex, 
who was on familiar terms with him, and always applied to him the 

style of Royal Highness Upon the occasion of my visit to 

Frascati, I presented the cardinal with a telescope, which be seemed 
to fancy, and received from him in return the large medal struck in 
honour of his accession to his unsubstantial throne. Upon one side 
of this medal was the royal bust, with the cardinal's hat, and the 
words ' Henricus nonus Dei gratia rex ; ' and upon the other the 
arms of England, with the motto on the exergue, * Haud desideriis 
hominum, sed voluntate Dei.'" — Personal RecoUecHohs of the Life 
aiid TimeSy ^c, of Lord CUmcurry : Dublin, McGlashan. 

Ceyrbp. — (Vol. xi. p. 58.) 

In spite of Valentine Lord Cloncurry, with his obnoxious 
pamphlet, his connexion with the " United Irishmen," and 
his friendship for the Cardinal de York, I cannot help be- 
lieving that your correspondent R. C. C. is correct in the 
view he takes of the Jacobites as they existed in 1807. I 
could have wished the accomplished writer in Household 
Words to have given us his authorities. As he has not 
done so, a few remarks from me may not be deemed in- 
trusive. 

In Mr. R. Chambers' History of the Bebellion of 1745-6, 
we find the Cardinal de York described as " a mild, in- 
offensive man," We know that when in 1747 he was made 
Cardinal, the exiled Jacobites regarded his advancement as 
the final destruction of their hopes. Many of them did not 
scruple to " declare it of much worse consequence to them 
than even the battle of CuUoden." (Mahon's History of 
JEngland, vol. iii. p. 349.) From this time the Cardinal 
devoted himself to church affairs. On his brother's death, 
in 1788, the only steps he took towards declaring his title 



810 THE LAST JACOBITES, 

to the English throne, was to have a declaration read 
publicly, which had been prepared in 1784, when Charles 
was thought to be dying ; and a medal struck, with the in- 
scription, " Hen. ix. Ang. Rex," with the addition " Dei 
Gratia, sed non voluntate hominum." Surely the latter 
part of this inscription must have sounded as a satire to 
his ears, and to those of the adherents of his house who still 
remained. 

Both Lord Mahon and Mr. Chambers consider the 
Jacobite party as crushed by the battle of CuUoden. The 
executions on Tower Hill, and the wholesale butchery on 
Eennington Common, destroyed the strength of the friends 
of Charles, although Jacobitism existed as a sentiment much 
later. ''But it became identified with the weakness of old 
age.'* It was a thing of the past. Tory rectors and country 
gentlemen were still wont to toast Prince Charles, just as 
their fathers had toasted the Chevalier St. George. They 
were vehement in their abuse of the House of Hanover, and 
in their admiration of the House of Stuart. But we ob- 
tain a fair estimate of the value of their good wishes in the 
case of Dr. Johnson. He confessed to Boswell that " the 
pleasure of cursing the House of Hanover and drinking 
King James's health was amply overbalanced by 300/. a 
year." 

It appears to me that the writer in Household Words hag 
confounded the lingering sentiment of 1788 (the date of 
Charles's death) with the active partisanship of 1745. 
Until he can prove his case against the " exemplary Car* 
dinal," we must consider his statements as overstrained. 

J. ViBTUB Wtnen.— (Vol. xi. p. 169.) 






INDEX. 



813 



INDEX. 



Anne Boleyn, a prisoner in the Tower, 
66. 
where was she buried ? 119. 
Anne of Cleves, her divorce from 

Henry VI II., 82. 
Athelney, 68. 
Athelstan, 79. 

BannocKbum, battle of, 13. 
Bartolomeo DeUa Nare's collection of 

pictures, 168. 
Battles, England's, last surviTors of, 

171. 
Beauchamp, Henry, crowned king of 

Guernsey and Jersey, 28. 
Bothwell created Duke of Orkney, 37. 
his marriage contract with Mary 
Queen of Scots, 36. 
Bradocb Down, Battle of, 279. 
Bruce, captiTity of his queen, 9. 
Brunanburgh, Battle of, 77. 
Buchan, Countess of, condemned to be 
encaged at Berwick Castle, 12. 
places the crown on the head of 
Bruce, 10. 

Calais, siege of, 204. 

Caroline Matilda, sister of George III., 

32. 
Chamartin, inquisitioaat, 189. 
ChaAcellors, two at the same time, 42. 
Charlemagne's talisman, 82. 
Charles I., anecdote of, 185. 

Bartolomeo Delia Nave's collec- 
tion of pictures, 168. 

crown, 261. 



Charles I., execution of, 225. 

letter, 207. 

letter to Chief Justice Heath, 17. 
Charles II., his crown, 262. 

in Wales, 270. 
Charles, Prince, his attendants in Spain, 



Charlotte, Queen, first impressions 

of,3. 
Chatham, Baroness of, created, 5. 
Chatham, Lord, original letter written 

on the resignation of Mr. Pitt, 8. 
Christianity first introduced into Ork- 
ney, 290. 
Clarence, origin of the title, 306. 
Clarendon's account of Hampden's 

death, 30. 
Cleres, Anne of, divorce fh>mHen. VIII., 

82. 
Clusian dynasty at Rome, 112. 
Confessor to the royal household, 20. 
Contributions for defence of the par- 
liament, 1642,51. 
CooTocation in the reign of George II., 

227. 
Crecy, cannon used at, 242. 
Cromwell, birth and baptism, 228. 
burial, 216. 
crown, 282. 

dealings with the devil, 212. 
private amours, 214. 
feofliM of Parson's charity, Ely, 

206. 
poisoned, 211. 
his skull, 282. 
veterans, 171. 



3U 



INDEX. 



Crowns, renuriu on, by Stephen Mar- 
tin Leake, Esq-* Garter, 348. 

CuUoden, a.d. 1746, 174. 

Culloden, — regimental colours burnt 
by the common hangman after, 86. 

Curwen, Sir Thomas, 43. 

Defender of the Faith, 318. 

Denmark, Orkney Islands in pawn 
from, 139. 

Detdngen, 1748, 178. 

EdgehiU, 17S. 

Edward^he Confessor's crown, 350. 

hU ring, 368. 
Edward L, crown, 355. 

punishes the Prince of Wales for 
disrespect to a judge, 73. 
Edward II., crown, 355. 
Edward III., crown, 356. 

surrender of Calais, 304. 
Edward IV., crown, 358. 
Edward V., birthplace, 366. 
Edward VI., crown, 360. 
Edward of Lancaster, autograph of, 31. 
Edward, Prince of Wales, son of Ed- 
ward I., his punishment for disrespect 
to a judge, 73. 
Elizabeth, alleged bastardy of, 109. 

crown, 361. 

description of, 369. 

lock of her hair, 89. 

and Sir Henry Nerill, 167. 

and Sir Philip Sidney, 89. 
England's great battles, the last sur- 

▼iTors of, 170. 
English soTereigns, lists of, 83. 
Eustache de Saint Pierre, 304. 

Fire of London, sunreyor's account of, 
18. 
and plague of London, predictions 
of, 234. 
Fon^noy, 1745, 174. 

George II., couTOcation in his reign, 

227. 
George III., baptism, marriage, and 
crowning, 28. 
sister, 22. 
George IV., anecdote of, 398. 
last days, 227. 



Gibraltar, capture of, 1704, 178. 

Gray, Lord, accompanies the Duke of 

Monmouth in his flight, 3. 
Grenville, Sir Beville, letter from, 279. 
Grey, Ledy Jane, 83. 

Lady Katherine, committed to the 
Tower, 310. 
Guernsey, Lambert a prisoner in, 155. 
and Jersey, Henry Beauchamp 
crowned king of, 38. 

Hampden's death, 39. 

Sir Philip Warwick's account of. 
30. 

Hannibal, Malta his burial-place, 177. 

Hanno, the Carthaginian, 131. 

Heath, Chief Justice, letter from 

Charles I. to, 17. 
Helena, the empress, 389. 
Henry I., crown, 353. 
Henry II., crown, 353. 
Henry III., crown, 254. 
Henry IV., crown, 257. 
Henry V., crown, 267. 
Henry VI., capture, 344. 

crown, 258. 
Henry VII., crown, 359. 
Henry VIII. and Sir Thomas Curwen, 
43. 

proclamation of, against religiom 
books, 45. 

letter from, to James V. of Soot- 
land, 80. 

his diTorce from Anne of Cleves, 82. 

capital punishments in his rdgn,164. 

crown, 360. 

House of Commons, temp. Elisabeth 
and James, 393. 

Inquisition at Madrid, 187. 

Isabel, queen of the Isle of Man, 179. 

Isle of Wight, king of, 27. 

Jacobites, the last, 806. % 

James I., crown, 361. 
James II., abdication, 846. 

remains, 131. 
James V. of Scotland, letter to, frtim 
Henry VIII., 80. 



INDEX. 



315 



' John (King), crown, 254. 
at Lincoln, il96. 

king of France, journal of his ex- 
penses in England, 13Sd-60, 69. 
Josephine, birthplace of the empress, S. 

Kerbester, iMtUe of, 14. . 

Lambert, the ** Arch RebeU,'* 166. 

Larges, battle of, 140l 

Lieake, Stephen Martin, remariis on 

crowns, 248. 
Leicester and the repated poisoners of 

his time, 129. 
Lesly, Lieut.-Gen., at the battle of 

Kerbester, 14. 
Londonderry, battle of, 176. 
London, great fire, sunrqror's account 
of, 18. 
flre and plague of, 284. 
the rioU, 146. 

Mackay, John Ross, 65. 

Madrid, inquisition at, 186. 

Malta, the burial-place of Hannibal, 177. 

Man, Isle of, Isabel, queen of, 179. 

Margaret of Anjou, 21. 

Marlborough, soldiers serving under, 

172. 
Mary, Queen, crown, 261. 

her expectations, 34. 
Mary, Queen of Scots, marriage-con- 
tract with Bothwell, 36. 

her chair, 105. 

her monument and head, 86. 
Maud (Empress), crown, 252. 
Monmouth's Ash, 1 . 
Monmouth Close, history of, 2. 
Monmouth's execution, 28. 90. 

gires six guineas to his execu- 
tioner, 28. 

and the electors of Hull, 29. 

memorials of his last dajrs, 89. 

pocket-book, 89. 94. 99. 
MoDtrose, capture of, after the battle 
of Kerbester, 16. 

Namur, siege of, 1695, 172. 
Napoleon, St Lucia first selected for his 
exile, 27. 



Napoleon IIL in possession of Charle- 
magne's talisman, 32. 
Naseby Field, Cromwell buried at, 217. 
Nelson, his death, 229. 
funeral, 306. 

letter 16 days before Trafiilgar, 280. 
Nevill, Sir Henry, and Elizabeth, 167. 
Nicolas, Sir Harry, his account of the 
abdication of James II., 246. 

Orkney, Christianity first introduced 
into, 290. 
Islands in pawn, 189. 
Bothw^ created duke of, 37. 

FarUameat, Commons, who advanced 
money, horses, &c. for defence of, 
1642, 51. 

Periplus of Hanno, 131. 

Perkin Warbeck, 18. 

'Pitt, William, an annuity of £3,000 
granted to hun, 5. 

Philippa (Queen) and the surrender of 

Calais, 204. 
Forsena and the Clusian dynasty at 
Rome, 112. 
the eighth king of Rome, 109. 
Predictions of the Fire and Plague of 

London, 234. 
Preston Pans, 176. 
Prince of Wales, birthplace of the first, 

286. 
Princesses of Wales, 305. 
Pye's, Sir Robert, account of HampdenS 

death, 31. 

Quebec, taking of, 1759, 175. 

Richard I., crown, 253. 

Richard II., crown, 256. 

Richard III., the day of his accession, 34. 

crown, 258. 

death, 285. 
Riots of London, 145. 
Rome, the four last kings of, 115. 

Seeker, Dr., baptized, crowned and 

married George 1 1 1. ,'28. 
Sedgmoor, battle of, 1685, 64, 
Shaftesbury, letter f^om the late Earl 

of, respecting Monmouth's Ash, 1. 



H 



316 



INDEX. 



SheriiRniiir, 1715, 173. 
Sidney, Sir Philip, and EUubeth, 89. 
SUvciy in Bngland, 134. 
Sorerdgns, EngUafa, list of, S8. 
Spaniih Armada, 176. 
Stephen, his crown, S$2. 
St. Lucia Che birthplace of the Em- 
preiB Josephine, 8S. 
first Mlected for Napoleon's exile, 
27. 
State prison in the Tower, 67. 
Strafford, Lord, and Archbishop Ussher, 

399. 
SurriTors of England's great battles, 170. 

Talisman of Charlemagne, 82. 
Tewhesbuxy, battle of, 22. 
Tower, the state prison in, 66. 
Trafalgar, battle of, 229. 

letter from Lord Nelson six days 
before, 280. 

Ussher, Archbishop, and Lord Straflbrd, 
299. 



Villains, the last of these bondsmen, 
134. 
their manumission, 139. 
Villers in Ckrach^, batUe of, 272. 

Wallace, William, his executioD, 67. 
Warbeck, Perkin, 19. 
Warwick, Duke of, crowned King of 
the Isle of Wight, 27. 

(Sir Philip), account of Hampden's 
death, 30. 
Wentworth (Sir Henry), account of 

the landing of Perkin Warbeck, 18. 
Wight, Isle or, 27. 
WiUiam I., his crown, 251 . 

sons, 304. 
William II., his crown, 251. 
William III., faU binding, 297. 
Wolsey, Cardinal, in the stocks, 106. 

his son, 120. 
Worcester, anecdote of the battle ol^ 41. 

Scotch prisoners at, 282. 



THE END. 



LONDON : 
PBINTBD BT SPOTTISWOODB AND Ca 
HBW-STRBKT SQUARB.